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[eracles]

A great article from Alkan CHAGLAR in the Londra Toplum Postasi...

Embittered feelings following the rejection of the Annan plan amongst the Turkish Cypriots seem to have reached new highs with former youth demonstrators who once proudly stood in Inonu Square, Nicosia holding colourful banners that promoted reunification now accepting ‘defeat’ or the ‘error’ of their ways. Some of these people were young students wearing a single olive branch in their hair and symbol of peace painted on their face unshielded from the Cypriot sun because of their passion for change. So what has happened to all the giddy excitement of those youthful Cypriot students? Is this the epitagh for a peace with reunification?

Of course we all know, we have heard it time and time again on our television sets, on the radio and reminded again in newspapers that while the Turkish Cypriots approved the Annan Plan, the Greek Cypriots overwhelmingly rejected it. But did they reject that particular plan or the Turkish Cypriot people? By voting 75% against the UN plan did they reject peace in general? And for how long did our own Papadopoulos Mr Denktash reject similar plans in the past 32 years?

Keen to provide a point on which they should concentrate their anger, certain Turkish Cypriots aided by media and certain politicians now believe we should abandon all hope for a solution as it is the ‘Greeks’ who are the obstacle. Stubbornness and a hardening of attitudes on both sides are rising in the face of the current deadlock, occasionally whipped up by nationalist media.

However, the issue to be rankled over is not how best to immediately alleviate feelings of frustration, anger and even humiliation that have long been a symptom of the Cyprus problem, but why precisely are Turkish Cypriots isolated? Rather than acting on emotion, and stereotypes imprinted on the minds of the community in the north by certain sections of the media and politicians, Turkish Cypriots for their part should recognise the dangers of deviating away from a solution and question their approach since 1983. Rather than ponder the limitless possibilities of what could have once been, the Turkish Cypriot leadership rather than believing they have won indefinitely the high moral ground need to eradicate certain contradictions in our own approach for peace. The moral ground can easily be lost.

For those sulking in response to the Presidency of Tassos Papadopoulos, they should realise that under a democratic system, he will not always remain in power, and despite the fact that he marshalled support against the UN brokered plan, most of the voters were from middle ground. Provided the current Turkish Cypriot leadership is still in favour of solution that would bring about reunification as opposed to partition, the stance of the Turkish Cypriot Presidency should not be to offer him the opportunity to conceal and justify his deep-seated ill will by abandoning all hope of a solution and promoting separatism.

The acrimonious dispute that forms the long-standing Cyprus question can never quite be expected to be solved in a few months and let us not forget it was a democratic right to say No as well as Yes. But still, thousands have debunked the idea of reunification at an alarming rate due to their unrewarded enthusiasm for an international plan. Perhaps they are right to, since the summer of 2001, Turkish Cypriots in Northern Cyprus remain under economic and political sanctions and despite voting overwhelmingly for reunification are left out in the cold away from the European Union. No doubt, this has led to feelings of powerfulness and a feeling of a lack of influence over the political decisions that involve them, but is this really because of the Greek Cypriots or a souvenir from the isolationist approach of Denktash administration?

Whether we choose to believe it or not, isolation does not stem entirely from the Greek Cypriots, but is a reaction by the world to the idea of a TRNC as a separate entity. Up to 1984, while Northern Cyprus was known as the “Turkish Federated State of Cyprus” using the Republic of Cyprus stamp as before 1974, there were no sanctions in place then. So what happened? This changed in 1984, when Gen. Kenan Evren who after his September 1980 military coup pushed the Turkish Cypriots with encouragement from Rauf Denktash to declare their unilateral independence leading to the formation of the TRNC. The hard truth is the TRNC was not founded by the will of Turkish Cypriots, nobody took to the streets asking for succession, nor did we have much of say in its establishment-it was a decision imposed by Ankara for her own strategic interests.

Ankara knew only too well in 1983-84 that following a US arms embargo on Turkey for its role in 1974 that such a state created by what most of world regards as “displacement, seizure of land and an invasion” could never realistically be internationally recognised. So referenda aside, can we really expect recognition or even the lifting of sanctions if we build on Greek Cypriot lands, refuse them the right to return, import settlers for so long and close our borders for 30 years? Can we really expect the world to agree with “Turkish Cypriot Human Rights” if we deprive others of their rights? Whatever happened to the universality of human rights?

Yes, of course I want an end to Turkish Cypriot isolation, but to trade with the world, we firstly need stability and a respect for international law and human rights, not just our own. While issues such as missing persons can be solved gradually, a property solution and a need to begin integrating our institutions to the Republic is central to the idea of “carrying on business as usual.” Contrary to what politicians promise the North’s electorate, Varosha cannot be opened to tourists from Western Europe who will enjoy its beaches, but meanwhile the same right will be denied to its owners who live a few miles away. Equally Varosha and Achna cannot be keep closed and its owners kept out while we expect a lifting of sanctions.

Some may ask, but why are the Greek Cypriots free to trade and we are not? The Greek Cypriots firstly do not officially define themselves as the ‘Greek Cypriot Republic of Southern Cyprus’ but as the Cyprus government, and in by doing so they show the world that they are not the divisive ones. Regardless of whether in practice the south comes across as a Greek Cypriot state, efforts are routinely made to include all Cypriots and protect Turkish Cypriot properties. For instance Cypriot Maronites, Latins and Armenians children all receive additional financial help from the Cypriot state to study, and have their own schools. State funds are not allocated mono-communally as in the North.

In the North, Maronite villages of Karpasha, Ayia Marina and Asomatos are still closed, with no school provision for Maronite children residents there. The lack of a school is the principle reason these people move to the South and why these minorities choose to live there. These people like the Greek Cypriots of Karpaz are isolated because of the embargoes we place on them, yet we speak only of our own isolation. No doubt Greek Cypriot rejection of the Annan Plan was a missed opportunity, but perhaps it is an opportunity to re-evaluate our own contradictions to prevent a second rejection occurring.

http://www.toplumpostasi.net/index.php/ ... /Ana_sayfa

[Pyrpolizer]

This London based newspaper is really impressive.
It seems the TCs in Cyprus are totally exposed to one sided views be them their local and mainland turkish newspapers or the few GC English dailys like Cyprus mail. I am glad there is a TC daily that looks at the matter in a global view, too bad this newspaper is in London though.

[mehmet]

Yes it's interesting and is showing that politics requires a reappraisal of realities from time to time. I hope this article reaches Talat and is willing to consider the issues raised.

I hope we don't have a parallel debate about 'traitors' because the parameters of politics are being stretched.

[reportfromcyprus]

Me too, mehmet, this traitor rhetoric is old, stale, divisive, and has no credibility (speaking for myself). I would respect the leaders who could come forward with some proactive negotiations and made a real effort for peace.