As Ecevit's era comes to a close
Wednesday, November 8, 2006
Efforts to find out which era comes to a close with Ecevit’s funeral may provide us with glimpse to the future.
Murat Yetkin
The state funeral of former Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit and his burial in the state cemetery, through a legal amendment by the government, will mark the symbolic end of an era.
This political era reached its peak after the Cyprus operation in 1974 in the second half of the 1970s and was suspended for some time with the military coup in 1980. Due to its forced suspension, it never came to a close on its own dynamics. This era had four principal actors. Süleyman Demirel represented the center right and Necmettin Erbakan led religious politics. There was Turkish nationalist Alparslan Türkeş and, of course, the natural leader of the Turkish left, Bülent Ecevit.
All four were politically devastated by the 1980 military coup. Their parties were closed and they were put on trial. They were banned from politics but returned once the bans were lifted. Their return prevented the closure of the old political era and became an obstacle that kept new generations of politicians from finding a voice.
The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) was able to break this deadlock only after severing its links with Erbakan. True Path Party (DYP) leader Mehmet Ağar's failure to cut his connections with the old Justice Party (AP) and the DYP clique are preventing him from attracting new blood.
With the death of Türkeş, Devlet Bahçeli took over leadership of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and is managing the party with people who previously were Motherland Party (ANAVATAN) or DYP members. He also doesn't allow new-generation politicians, for example, Ümit Özdağ, to take over the lead.
In its present form, ANAVATAN is far from being a center of attraction for the new generation.
In other words, the biggest damage the 1980 coup inflicted on politics, besides the loss of self confidence, was its eradication of the mechanisms of renewal.
The only movement that was able to free itself from this deadlock until now has been the AKP.
On the left, if we have to note a strategic mistake Ecevit made, we can define it as his acts that estranged all those groups on the left that worked for him and supported him in the 1973 and even 1977 elections by writing �Kara Oğlan� (Dark Boy) everywhere.
There were three consequences of his action. One is the fact that the Republican People's Party (CHP) or any other leftist movement can now only dream of attaining close to 40 percent support in the elections. The CHP and the movements that sprang from it looked old and exclusive.
The second fact is the leftist groups that found a place for themselves within the system through their support for Ecevit could not hold on and were flung to the periphery.
This resulted in feeding the vicious circle of violence that dominated the country towards the 1980 coup.
(A question we may ask here is whether the efforts of the Turkish Communist Party (TKP), which was under the influence of Moscow at the time, to conquer the CHP and the Confederation of Revolutionary Workers' Unions (DİSK) from within had anything to do with the eventual outcome. Did the TKP efforts to sever the CHP and DİSK's links from other leftist groups result in a defensive reaction by Ecevit and his group?)
The third factor is just a possibility. If the CHP kept cutting its links with the leftist groups that fed it, could it have transformed into a huge umbrella party like the Democratic Party in the United States or the British Labour Party, where every leftist group can find itself a niche? Could this have prevented the circle of violence on the eve of the coup? Would the coup still have happened? Could Turgut Özal's economic reforms be implemented by an AP that dominated the center right in a democratic environment? These are questions that are based on assumptions, but they still need to be asked.
We may be able to find the answers to these questions by looking into the factors that resulted in the Democratic Left Party's (DSP) choice to become a party without an organization and the reasons why the CHP, led by Deniz Baykal, failed to attract any new blood. There are young politicians within the DSP, but the leadership is preventing them from becoming organized. They are frightened of being taken over from within. In the CHP, members are experienced, but their experience is of being in opposition. New politicians who may be able to lead them to victory can never make it to the top.
If we return to the beginning of the article, we can say Ecevit was an honest, polite politician who courageously resisted all pressure. He was a symbol and a statesman. An era will end with his funeral. We'll see whether a new era will begin. This is something those who are towards the left of center need to find out.
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