Socrates wrote:
And we’ve created this need for the BBF and we was suggested what the 25% can be the TC territory and after 30+ years the 29% was very close in what we was actually asking for all those years.
This is the core and the essence of issue that you do not mean to understand. The critical difference between what we GCs menat to have accepted as a BBF, and what the Annan plan offered, was the fact that the whatever territory percentage that would be regarded as an area administrated by a TC community majority presence, would have been a mere internal administrative arrangement that would divide the area of Cyprus into two administrative regions (zones,) with some degree of internal administrative self-ruling to be exercised by (all) the residents of each region regardless of their ethnic origin, and not into two exclusively ethnically owned territories by virtue of separate inherent ethnically based natural right.
The two states (zones) will not be regarded in any constitutional or institutional way, form or shape, as the separately inherently owned territories, one for each of the two communities, as you put it above and as the Annan plan provided it, but rather two areas which will simply be administrated internally by their residents, in each of which it will be so arranged and happen that each community will have a majority residential presence.
The Annan plan assumed that the North (T/C) state is the acknowledged natural historical territory (homeland) of the TC "people" alone, and so did for the South (G/C) state, which both come together and form and bond in-between them, as it would have been in a case of a confederation.
The GCs have historical, cultural, religious and other natural and existential rights in the area that will be administrated under a TC residency majority in the north, something which the Annan plan formula completely disregarded and assumed this is the exclusive homeland of the T/Cs, thus brushing all the above under the carpet. The same can be said about the equal and parallel rights of the TC community in the south.
Strict bi-communality was something that was meant to be included, expressed and observed into the central federal government constitution (i.e. ethnically split and based senate,) as was also included in the 1960 constitution, and it doesn't mean that it should also be transcended into a strict bi-communality on the ground (i.e. two ethnically based and inherently owned zone structures,) under the covering concept of bi-zonality.
Bi-zonality and bi-communality are two separate concepts, and not concepts essentially meaning the one and the same, and thus also freely used interchangeably. They represent two distinct and separate concepts or levels of governance, and their only relationship (between them) is that the majority of residents of each one of the two zones will come from the members of each one of the two communities respectively, without this implying that the each of the two communities is also the inherent natural owner of each of the two states respectively.
Try to understand and digest the difference between the two concepts, the Annan plan (a confederation /loose federation between two separate ethnically owned and based state structures,) and what the G/C side is ready to accept -as I described it above. The Annan plan formula is very prone and can easily lead in the future into splitting opportunities and options like the Serbia /Montenegro or the Czechoslovakian cases, regardless of the fact that there will be prohibiting provisions in the federal constitution, simply because the “inherent” ethnic ownership basis of the two areas (zones) became an institutionalised ingredient of the same constitution, and thus it indirectly legitimises the splitting on a purely ethnic basis, should the central federal government proves to be ineffective and inefficient in its functioning. And we all know how such a government can easily be made to be proved ineffective and inefficient, should one of the two sides chooses to do so.