sadik wrote:If I need to summarize the TC view on this, a BBF should be established in such a way that TCs will have the majority of both the population and the property in one of the federated states.
This is also our own understanding,
However,
1. We need to agree by how much majority this will be sufficient, and then how this is implemented in practice. I believe this is quite feasible with the right adjustment of territory size and resources and with the introduction of settlement time frames, which will eventually constitute T/C majority in the North a de facto natural situation. Once this is sufficiently established, we believe that nature and individual socio-economic behaviour alone should be the only self regulator.
2. You need to explain what you mean by having autonomy in the TC internal affairs.
3. We definitely do not accept the logic of the Annan plan in which bi-zonality was regarded as another means to institutionalise, secure and promote duality on ethnic basis.
4. Bi-communality (i.e. representation of the people on an ethnic basis) will already be served on a different level and through the Senate of the Federal government.
5. We do not accept the idea that the States as entities are equated with the communities, i.e. each State to represent one community in a territorial and political ownership sense. The two states should be regarded as one set of entities, and the two communities as another separate set of entities.
6. The states should represent their permanent residents, and not the communities on an ethnic basis.
7. The G/Cs who will be permanent residents of the North State should enjoy full political and cultural rights within that state, and should be able to feel that the State represents them in the same way that it represents the T/Cs.
8. The T/Cs should exercise control of the North State only by virtue of having a majority of population presence as permanent residents of the state, and not because the T/C community is the owner of the state in a territorial and political sense.
9. The Turkish language should be the official
working language of the North State’s governmental institutions, but both the Turkish and the Greek languages should enjoy the status of official languages in a virtual sense, and this should be stipulated in the constitution of the State. The same must be the case for the South State. G/Cs that do not master the Turkish language properly should not be excluded from playing a role in the political affairs of the state, but only in taking public service posts in the government mechanism. More like the EU institutions and bodies are functioning, in which all languages are official, but only English, German and French are the working languages.
In another forum I expressed some similar ideas about this issue, which I copy /paste below, and which move along the above lines.
Kifeas wrote:We do not accept the philosophy of the Annan plan 5, in which, bi-communality and bi-zonality were integrated in such a way so that they can be used interchangeably, instead of being two separate and complementary levels of government. This meant in practice that the T/C community was exclusively and strictly identified with the North Constituent state and the G/C community with the South Constituent state, in an institutionalised manner and form, as if they were the exclusive historical and natural homelands of each one of the two communities respectively.
In other words, the T/C community was equated with the North (T/C) state, and the North (T/C) state was equated with the T/C community, and vice versa.
We believe that the two sets of notions, i.e. the states and the communities, should remain separated. Bi-communality in the federal legislature (i.e. political representation and rights on the basis of exclusive community or “ethnic” basis) should be observed as a component of the senate of the central state. Both of the two constituent states should be identified and express their permanent residents alone, irrespective of community origin. Bi-zonality in the federal legislature (i.e. political representation and rights on the basis of constituent state permanent residency) should be observed in the parliament (lower house,) and as separate component of the senate.
We do not accept a constitution of the North (T/C) constituent state that will express and speak alone and exclusively on behalf of the T/C community, as such, but one that will express and speak on behalf of the permanent Cypriot residents of the state, like it was the case in the Annan plan.
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE TURKISH CYPRIOT STATE wrote:
PREAMBLE
We, the Turkish Cypriot people,
bearing in mind that the territorial integrity, security and constitutional order of the Turkish Cypriot State is guaranteed under the Treaty of Guarantee,
sovereignly proclaim this Constitution by approval at referendum of 20 April 2004 as the Constitution of the Turkish Cypriot State.
PART I
General Principles
The Form and Characteristics of the Turkish Cypriot State
Article 1
The Turkish Cypriot State, as one of the two Constituent States of the United Cyprus Republic, which is based on the political equality, bi-zonality and equal status of the two Constituent States, representing the distinct identity of Turkish Cypriots and their equal political status in a bizonal partnership. It is a secular state based on the principles of human rights, democracy, representative republican government, social justice and the supremacy of law.
The T/C community should indirectly control the North (T/C) state only by virtue of existence of a majority of permanent Turkish Cypriot residents in its territory, and not because it is the owner of the state as a community in an exclusive historical sense. The Turkish language can be the official and the working language of the government of the state, but not the only official language of the state. The Greek language should also enjoy the status of official language of this state. Respectively, all the same must hold for the South (G/C) state.
We do not accept a constitution of the North (T/C) state that will expressively adhere to the principles of Ataturk, and which will also require an oath in the name of Ataturk for any person holding a political post in the internal government and legislature of the state. If there are any principles of Ataturk that are useful to be included and in the constitution (such as secularism for example,) those should be stipulated expressively for what they are, without codifying them as the principles of Ataturk as such! Ataturk, as his name implies, is the father of the Turks. The North (T/C) constituent state is not the homeland of the Turks (i.e. Turkey,) but a constituent state of the united republic of Cyprus which is a member of the EU. Ataturk is the personification of Turkish nationalism. What we need in a re-united Cyprus is to institutionalise Cypriot patriotism, and not to institutionalise Greek and Turkish nationalism respectively. The T/Cs are free to worship and commemorate Ataturk in their private or community based encounters and also through non-governmental and /or community based private organisations, and they are free to have as many posters and statues in their houses and other non governmental establishments, but his name must be separated from the constitution of the state.