Cyprus-Forum.com

[bill cobbett]

The turkish-speaking Plumer was the Minister of Agriculture in 1960, presumably appointed to the role by Kutchuk and Dengtash.

Cyprusconflict.org state that it is believed the Plumer Plan was written towards the end of 1960. This would be just a few months in to the life of the new Republic.

http://www.cyprus-conflict.org/materials/plan1.html

"...
Cyprus-Dispute.org
Main Page :- The Plumer Document


The following document was found in the safe of the Turkish Cypruiot Minister of Agriculture Mr. Plumer. It is believed that the document was written on the end of October or the beginning of November 1960.

1. We accepted the Zurich and London Agreements as "a transitory phase" and it was for this reason that we signed them.

If it had been said they are not "a transitory phase" but a "final solution" we would not have accepted but would have prolonged the intercommunal dispute for a further period and would have left the UN face to face with Taksim which they stated to be "impossible and impracticable".

As regards the administration of the Republic created by the Zurich agreements which we accepted as a "transitory phase":

(a) Turkey's rights on Cyprus would have gained international recognition.

(b) During the time gained by preparing better we would have profited by the blunder and mistakes of the Greek Cypriots and in time by accusing them of violating the agreements we would attain our total independence.

During the course of the "transitory phase" all our behaviour and actions would have been directed towards the situation as shown in (a) and (b) paragraphs and accepted by us as the "final aim".

2. The reasons for us in not being able to accept the Zurich agreements and the Republic created by these agreements as a "final solution" are these:

(a) This administration which is based on the seven:three ratio, despite existing guarantees, is a Greek Cypriot administration. Under the administration, the Turkish structure which is in any case weak, is sentenced to be eroded in time.

(b) Because the Turkish Cypriots will not be left with a national cause in the face of the "unification" process started to "Cypriotify" the Turks; that is maximum cooperation with the Greek Cypriots, the non-opposition to the Greek Cypriots, getting on well and viewing with understanding every caprice of the Greek Cypriots in order not to make difficulties; the result of this process means the elimination of the Turkish Cypriots as a separate community.

(c) Lack of financial possibilities, material difficulties are of a nature to bring down to naught our "separate community" status in a very short time.

(d) The agreements have come about based on the principles of mistrust of the communities towards each other, enmities and on the fact that they could live together only as "separate and equal communities". Considered from the viewpoint of a final solution, the principle of separate and equal community is destined to collapse unless we maintain it fastidiously or create an atmosphere of mistrust and enmity.

(e) The aim of the community administrators who did not allow the people to lift their heads for 25 years during the British rule was to rear a community "which was always obedient, faithful and bowed down to everything so as not to give cause to the British Government to trample on the community. And now, those who consider these agreements as a final solution are inviting the community "to bow down to the Greek Cypriots forever and at whatever cost not to create difficulties" and thus a community cause is existent no longer. If the Republic is a final solution, in the face of these suggestions firstly the trust of the Turkish Cypriots towards their own community and later its confidence in Turkey will be shaken. Due to such agents as unemployment and lack of credits, everything will fall into the lap of the Greek Cypriots.

Under these conditions our acceptance of the Zurich Agreements as a "final solution" would have meant us placing with our own hands the sentence of annihilation on the Turkish Cypriots.

It was for this reason that before the agreements "a compact had been reached with the Turkish Government of the time to the effect that these agreements were a transitory phase; during this period maximum economic and other assistance would be made to us and that in order to realise our final aim we would continue our 'separate community' cause as a national cause".

Also it is gratifying to state that during our first contacts with the honourable head of state of our Revolutionary Government. (Government formed soon after the coup d'etat against Menderes' Government trans. Note.), Gursel Pasa "an agreement on the same principles had been reached and it was made very clear in the most categorical fashion that the agreements were nothing but a phase for us and for Turkey".

4. There is a major reason for the Turkish Cypriots' acceptance of the agreements and the establishment of the Republic as a phase and to keep their eyes open in order not to fall into a neglectful sleep: This major reason is that the Greek Cypriots have in their totality accepted the Republic administration as a transitional phase. From the first day all their actions have been directed towards the destruction of these agreements.

(a) With their newspapers, their official and non official little words they are disseminating that the agreements are transitional that these agreements could not be accepted by any free person and that they were imposed on them. The foreign journalists who visit the island are swallowing up this propaganda and thus the idea that "the Turks should give up the artificial rights obtained artificially" has been taking root.

(b) The Greek Cypriots (rightist or leftist) are arming themselves up at an unprecedented speed.

(c) The Police Organisation, Customs and the administrative mechanism are being organised in a way to suffocate the Turks.

(d) Practically none of the rights given to the Turks under the Zurich agreements have been handed over. The Greek Cypriots through a policy of delay are busy with wearing out, making weary, splitting the Turks and creating Turkish leaders who accept that these rights are truly superfluous.

(i) The municipalities have not been separated. The re-determination of the borders can continue for years; important obstacles and irregularities and injustices which might necessitate our rebellion as a community are expected. As a result of the "wearing away practice" for the last one and a half years the spirit of struggle of the Turkish Cypriots is being extinguished.

The issue of separate municipalities represents a basis of our "separate community status". Even if this separation is of material inconvenience to the Turks, it is necessary to continue this separation at whatever cost and to maintain the issue of "separate municipalities" as a cause.

Today those few persons who have suffered personal damages ' due to the separation of the municipalities and those "opponents who blindly follow the claim that at whatever cost to get on well" with the Greek Cypriots, have started exerting great energy to do away with this separation and to unite the municipalities. Messers Ahmed Muzaffer Gurkan and Ayhan Hikmet who pass as "opponents" are making statements to foreign journalists that the unification of the municipalities is a necessity and that the reason for Denktash and Doctor Kuchuk wanting separate municipalities was the continuation of the "Taksim" thesis.

We request clear cut directives as to whether or not the separate municipalities issue should be upheld as a cause. We are of the opinion that if the unification of municipalities path is followed based on material reasons this would be the collapse of the sound ground on which our "separate community status" is based on.

(ii) The difficulties which we have encountered on the issue of 70:30% are known to you. Two and a half months of the five-month period set for the application of this ratio have passed. The Greek Cypriots have no intention of finishing this work within five months. The "method of application and the application schedule agreed upon between Makarios and Dr. Kuchuk is on the verge of being thrown into the waste paper basket by the Greek Cypriot members of the Civil Service Commission. Makarios also has gone as far as saying that "this agreement has no binding value."

If at the end of the 5 month period the 70:30% ratio is not adopted what will the Turkish side do? Will it apply to the Constitutional Court and struggle for another five years? Or will we be able to choose the path of obtaining our rights as a community?

We should not forget that the 70:30 ratio should have been applied within the period between the London agreement and the birth of the Republic. We have been sacrificed to Greek Cypriot caprices, and by adhering to the "for goodness sake let there be no difficulties" directives, we were not able to wrest an obtainable right at the right time. The result has been that the community's right in itself has been shaken. If this issue is not finished at the end of 5 months "Dr. Kuchuk and his friends who have promised that this was to be applied within 5 months, will be left in a very difficult position!"

(iii) In the Ministries with the incitement and control of the Greek Cypriot clerks the Turkish affairs are being stalled. The Greek Cypriot police and clerks are doing everything they can in order to give the impression that we are living under a Greek Cypriot administration. The principle that "the Turkish clerks will serve the Turkish villages" which is one of the conditions of the "separate community" status is not being applied anywhere.

Should we insist on its application? The Turks of Chatoz (Serdarli) had not given their taxes to the Greek Cypriot collector of taxes who had gone to the village to collect taxes. Now they are to be sent to court. Our demand that "we want Turkish clerks" is a demand which will offend and instigate anew the Greek Cypriots.

According to us we should insist on this claim and should not give as concession one more of our separate community rights.

(iv) The cooperation amongst the Greek Cypriots in the Council of Representatives in order not to carry out a single performance in favour of the Turks has reached its zenith.

Everything is being done in order not to form the Cyprus army. The Army Commander and his Assistant is being offered less salaries than the Police Commander and his Assistant; it is being said that the soldiers will be given an amount which can be said to be ludicrous.

They don't have the intention of adding even a penny to the £400,000 minimum assistance guaranteed by the constitution of the central government in respect of our £800,000 Educational and Communal Budget. On the other hand up to now the amount of six million British pounds assistance has been made by various "private channels" to the Greek Cypriot Communal Assembly.

We believe that in the face of the path taken by the Greek Cypriots in order to extinguish the Communal Chambers which are the sole symbol of our "Separate Community Status", the government of our motherland will make the supreme sacrifice and will materially support us.

If we fall into a situation whereby we cannot continue the offices of the communal assembly due to material impossibilities we would destroy the existing agreements in line with Greek Cypriot desires.

(v) Development investments from the budget are being secretly diverted to the Greek Cypriot villages. Not one Turkish deputy can obtain money for an investment he deems necessary. Maximum effort is being exerted in order to make the Turkish deputies into puppets.

(vi) The Police appointments have been made in such a way as to make the Turkish commanders ineffective. The Turks of the island are toys in the hands of the Greek Cypriot commanders.

5. The way out according to us is this:

(i) The reality that the agreements are a transitory phase and the belief that our separate community status is vital in realising this objective will be told to every Turk and this belief will be disseminated throughout the island in such a way that it can be passed from generation to generation.

(ii) To show maximum reaction to every action and endeavour of the Greek Cypriots to destroy out "Separate Community" status. (We believe that it is our right to react in order to protect our Constitutional rights).

(iii) The main lines of the "national cause" should be imposed on those who love to play the opposition within the community. They should be prevented from engaging in publications and propaganda that might harm the national cause.

Dr. Ihsan Ali who is an admirer and adorer of the Greek Cypriots and has been confirmed to have connections with the British Intelligence and the extremist Greek Cypriot ENOSIS leaders and his accomplice a sex pervert (Muzafer Gurkan) and Ayhan Hikmet who has been confirmed to have relations with the communists should be made to abandon their actions and writings which serve the Greek Cypriot aims. If they don't believe in the existence of a national cause they must be silenced.

Today the Turkish Cypriots are in an impasse. The Community does not know what to do due to their daily problems of unemployment, lack of credits and lack of employment fields and the failure to obtain jobs from the Greek Cypriots creates question marks within the community and creates extreme doubt as regards the existence or non-existence of a national cause. In the face of this situation the path of not believing those who speak of "separate community rights" will be chosen. It will be said: "What separate community? There is no employment institution, only those who trust the Greek Cypriots can live, life lines of those who draw away from the Greek Cypriots are cut". We are face to face with the need to wipe away this belief and to create a society which believes in itself and in the 1955-58 years.

In short a national plan should be presented to the administrators and we should adjust our words and actions in accordance to this national plan. If the basic lines of this national plan is the continuation and consolidation of the separate community status, if it is the domination of Turkism over Cyprus someday", then we could continue the struggle and we could win over the public. However if this plan will be in the shape of "we have come to the end of everything, get on well with the Creek Cypriots, don't be spoilt, don't offend your Greek Cypriot friends whom you are obliged to open your hand by creating an uproar because some of your small rights have been swallowed"; then it will be necessary for us to renew our situation and to think whether or not we will shoulder this responsibility under these conditions. ..."

[bill cobbett]

... and again from cyprusconflict.org, the Kutchuk Denktash Plan.

From September 1963.

Signed and dated by Kutchuk and Denktash...


Cyprus-Dispute.org
Main Page :- The "Kutchuk/Denktash Plan", 14 September 1963


A cursory glance at the general policy of the Turkish Community as regards the future of the Republic on the occasion of the completion of three years since the establishment of the Republic

Three years have now elapsed since the establishment of the Cyprus Republic. By the signing of the Zurich and London Agreements, which are the foundation of the Constitution, while the Turkish Community abandoned its basic aim of being united with its motherland and agreed to the establishment of this Republic, the Greek Cypriots also in their turn gave up their basic aim of Enosis and agreed to become partners with the Turks in the Administration of the Republic. It was agreed that the Republic to be set up under the Zurich agreements would be of a peculiar character (sui generis) and it was accepted from the first days that the viability of this Republic is based on the good-willed and understanding cooperation between the two communities which constitute this Republic by showing loyalty to the promises made and to the agreements undertaken.

Unfortunately from the first days the Greeks have indicated that they had not signed these agreements in good-will and attacked the Zurich Agreements through the press and other media. Even Makarios, who personally signed the Zurich Agreements did not refrain from admitting on the occasion of the EOKA anniversary on 1 April 1960 (when the Constitution had not yet cone into force officially), that the Zurich Agreement was a spring-board for future victories.

Since the proclamation of the Republic the Turkish Community has made it known in various ways that the Greek Cypriots had no intention to accept and implement with sincerity and integrity these Agreements and they have made statements, published articles and prepared reports showing that in the application of these Agreements they have resorted to every trick to render inoperative the articles which recognise even the most insignificant rights to the Turks.

It has become explicit beyond doubt that at present the Greek Cypriots have no intention at all to set up the separate Municipalities and the Cyprus army, that they will never implement the requirement of the employment of Turkish civil servants comprising of 30% and that they will not take into account the Turks' existing right of say through veto concerning such vital aspects for the Turkish Cypriot Community as foreign policy, defence and domestic security. The most serious aspect of the issue for the Turkish Community is that the Greek Cypriots have started disputing even the guarantee agreement which is the sole basis for the implementation of the Constitution and the fact that Makarios without even feeling the necessity to get the views of the Turkish Community in this regard has assumed the status of head of state and has had the insolence and boldness in stating that they will not recognise the guarantee agreement. For this reason for us it is superfluous to explain in this report the injustices, pressures, threats and blackmail made by the Greek Cypriots in this deceitful manner against the Turks since the Constitution went into force. (We already have prepared reports on this score).

The real aim of this report is to formulate the counter policy to be followed by the Turkish Community in the face of the de facto situation created by the Greek Cypriot side through a systematic policy.

Undoubtedly in dwelling upon the principles of any policy to be followed it is necessary to indicate the real objectives of such a policy. Up until now the basis of the policy conducted by the Turkish Community was based on the necessity of the full implementation of the Constitution of the Republic. This policy was catering to the needs of the Turkish Community as long as the Greek Cypriots insistently evaded the de facto implementation of the Constitution, however this policy has become very ineffective in the face of the Greek Cypriot policy to completely amend or to abolish the Constitution.

In our opinion in particular after Makarios' statement to the effect that 'the year 1964 will be a decisive year for the amendment of the Constitution', the Turkish Community faces the necessity of following a more active policy. What should the basic target of such active policy be? The answer to this question must be given separately depending on each of two possible alternatives the Greek Cypriots may follow:

1. The Greeks may finally abrogate or try to annul the Zurich and London Agreements and the Constitution.

2. They may continue with their 3 year old policy of the de-facto 'amendments' by not allowing the implementation of the Constitution and to de-facto reduce the Turks into a minority by enlarging the compass of the Constitution.

In the event of the Greeks officially abrogating the constitution or trying to amend it, in our view there is only one thing the Turkish Community will do; take its destinies in its own hands and establish a Cyprus Republic outside the Zurich Agreements in accordance with the axiom 'when the obstacle is removed one reverts to the forbidden.' The success of such a move will necessitate a very hard struggle on the part of the Turkish Community and conditioned on many internal and external factors. No doubt the most important of the external factors will be the material and moral help of the motherland. Practically there is no possibility of the Turkish Community being able to fight under the present conditions without obtaining in advance the consent and subsequent support of the motherland. Therefore, it is essential that we should agree in advance with our motherland on the line of action based absolutely on a detailed plan. Makarios has not yet made a serious effort to abrogate or amend the Agreements. There is ample time to prepare such a plan and we must make the most of it.

As a matter of fact under the Treaty of Guarantee the motherland can intervene alone if the Constitution is abolished officially. But the only result of this intervention would be to return to the legal status established under the Zurich Agreements. As the Greeks are determined despite the intervention not to allow this legal status to survive, and, taking into consideration the negative effect which intervention would create at UNO and amongst world opinion, it is a matter of dispute whether it would be worthwhile taking the risks which will be created for the motherland from a unilateral intervention. Therefore, in the event of the Greeks abolishing the Constitution officially, the Turkish Community, taking its destinies in its own hands, should go ahead with the establishment of a Turkish Republic and so, if nothing else, the dangers from an actual intervention would, at the beginning, be averted.

We can sum up the main points of such a plan as follows:

1. The Turkish Vice-President of the Republic will be accepted as President of the Republic by the Turkish Community, and a Government consisting entirely of Turks will be set up in accordance with the provisions of the existing Constitution.

2. Our motherland will recognise immediately the government to be formed which will ask our motherland for help.

3. The intervention of the motherland will follow the request for this help and if need be Turkish Republic rights will be recognised to the Turkish Cypriots settled in Turkey (in principle this right exists under the present Constitution in the form of quota), they will be given passports prepared in the name of the Turkish Republic and thus their infiltration into Cyprus will be secured.

4. The Turkish members of the House of Representatives and the Turkish members of the Communal Chamber will form the House of the Republic and proclaim the provisions of the existing Constitution for the establishment of a Republic composed entirely of Turks or as another alternative a provisional constitution should be drawn up and proclaimed.

5. After recognition by the motherland the Turkish Republic will immediately sign with the motherland trade agreements as a result of which the Turkish Community will meet its material requirements in the ensuing conditions. No doubt the object of such an agreement will be to give legality to the help from the point of view of international law.

6. There is no doubt that this move of the Turkish community will meet with Greek Cypriot opposition and counter moves and probably the Greeks will undertake de facto aggression against the Turks.

As a result of these aggressive acts of theirs a struggle will start between the two Communities and this struggle will decide the outcome.

7. When the struggle begins, the Turkish Community, interspersed throughout the island, will forcibly concentrate in an area and will be compelled to defend it. The selection of the area will depend on the strategic plan which will be prepared by experts. Before the struggle starts it will be necessary to prepare detailed plans to increase the (military) mobility of the Turkish Community and concerning the equipment, stocks and the shipment of supplies and reinforcements from the motherland.

8. Detailed projects should be prepared from now and the necessary financial plans should be made and the necessary nucleus must be set up from now within the Turkish Communal Assembly so that the civil servants existing in the present administrative mechanism could continue their work uninterrupted from the very first days of their transfer to the new administration.

The above is an outline of the plan, and before a complete and detailed plan is prepared in respect of all fields it will be necessary and advisable to reach a definite and final decision concerning the basic idea. We are sure that the Turkish Community will make every possible sacrifice in this question.

Now as regards the policy to be followed in the face of the Greek Cypriots' maintaining the present situation, that is the continuation of the de facto amendment of the Constitution: In our view if the Greeks continue this policy the target of the Turkish Community should again be the establishment of a separate Republic. The Turkish Community can no longer tolerate continuation of this state of affairs. However since the Constitution will not be openly violated by the Turkish Community, the Turkish Community is again obliged to advance to the final goal at a slower tempo. For this reason the following plan comes to mind in response to the second possibility.

1. The plan which is designed to be implemented in respect of the first option should be prepared as soon as possible.

2. A violent pressure movement should be initiated in every field in order to force the Greek Cypriots to implement the Constitution. The most natural result of such an action will be that the members of the Turkish civil service in general will have to oppose the Greek Cypriots during the course of their duties basing their actions on the Constitution. As a result it will be inevitable to appoint such elements in the Turkish Communal Assembly in accordance with the 8th article of the first plan.

3. From the economic point of view, in order to render the Turkish Community self-supporting and to ensure the success of the first plan we must establish useful industries. As these industries will be boycotted by the Greek Cypriots, we will secure markets in Turkey to enable these enterprises to survive.

4. With a view to invigorating the Turkish Community financially and making preparations for the implementation of the first plan, it is necessary that speedy and frequent links should be established between Cyprus and the motherland particularly by sea (ferry-boat, etc) and that the population of the Turks in the Island should be increased to the maximum through the entry of people from Turkey as tourists.

5. The Turkish Community, after it has completely prepared itself financially, militarily and morally should put its first plan into operation by taking advantage in the event that the Greek Cypriots create a Constitutional crisis.

Until now the Greek Cypriots have given us many opportunities on this matter and from now on it is obvious that they will provide more opportunities on account of their behaviour.

Nicosia, 14.9.1963

(Dr. Fazil Kuchuk)
Vice President of the Republic

(Rauf Denktash)
President of the Turkish
Communal Chamber

[Flying Horse]

Politicians, forcibly using their own people for their own plans of domination.

Pawns in a very calculated and pre meditated game of murderous chess.

[GreekIslandGirl]

Good thread, bill c.

[bill cobbett]

Why thank you our "g"IG.

Thought I'd post the Plumer Plan for a Scandanavian chap of our acquaintance who's posting elsewhere ...

The 1960 Plumer Plan sits very well with the 1963 Denktas Kutchuk Plan ... and both have this historical continuity from back then to the present day.

[Jerry]

Why thank you our "g"IG.

Thought I'd post the Plumer Plan for a Scandanavian chap of our acquaintance who's posting elsewhere ...

The 1960 Plumer Plan sits very well with the 1963 Denktas Kutchuk Plan ... and both have this historical continuity from back then to the present day.

Ahmed Muzaffer Gurkan and Ayhan Hikmet were murdered on 23 April 1962 but the Plumer Plan makes reference to them whilst alive, so obviously written well before December 1963.