In order to understand better the Turkish Cypriot mentality here is a brief guide on how the Turkish Cypriots and the TMT agitated for Partition and Division in Cyprus throughout the 1960s:
The 1960 Constitution
The 1960 Constitution was burdened with ethnic quotas granting the Turkish Cypriots special privileges, veto powers and disproportionate representation in the civil services (30 percent), army (40 percent), parliament (30 percent), government and a powerful Turkish Cypriot vice president, rights not granted to the other ethnic minorities in Cyprus. Apart from the corruption-prone concept of having quotas in the first place and the dangerous emphasis on ethnicity they created, the fact that the Turkish Cypriots constituted only 18 percent of the Cypriot population granted them an disproportionate and unjustifiable share in government power, not a good foundation for stability.
The Turkish minority made frequent use of their veto right with the predictable result that after three years, they withdrew from the parliament in late 1963, ostensibly protesting a set of 13 proposals from President Makarios to change the Constitution of Cyprus. In hindsight it would probably have been better to not having implemented ethnic/religious quotas at all, focusing instead on Cypriots being Cypriots, ethnicity or religion being irrelevant in the context of political rights. For the law should apply equally to all.
TMT - The Turkey-sponsored separatists
Simultaneously there were increasing armed clashes between Greek- and Turkish-minded Cypriots, with the TMT and their leader Rauf Denktas urging Turkish Cypriots to leave their homes in the south and seek segregation in north, even if they’d have to live in tent camps. As described by United Nations Secretary General U Thanth:
The Turkish Cypriot leaders have adhered to a rigid stand against any measures which might involve having members of the two communities live and work together, or which might place Turkish Cypriots in situations where they would have to acknowledge the authority of Government agents. Indeed, since the Turkish Cypriot leadership is committed to physical and geographical separation of the communities as a political goal, it is not likely to encourage activities by Turkish Cypriots which may be interpreted as demonstrating the merits of an alternative policy. The result has been a seemingly deliberate policy of self-segregation by the Turkish Cypriots.
The TMT underground army was flexing its muscle, backed by an implicit promise from Turkey to back them up if need be. On August 10th 1964, following the Battle of Tylliria, where Cypriot forces neutralized a Turkish position, Turkey made good on the implicit pledge by napalm airstrikes. A Turkish invasion of Cyprus was narrowly evaded, but conflicts continued during the decade. The Lausanne Treaty and the abolishment of Turkish interests in Cyprus was now buried deep in history.
TMT managed, in the course of six years (1958 -1964) to first silence major moderate Turkish-Cypriot voices (usually by gunshot), among others:
Ahmad Sadi,Director of the Turkish office of the Pancyprian Workers federation.
Fazil Onder,chief editor of the weekly newspaper “Inkilapci”.
Ahmet Yahya of the progressive Turkish Cypriot Athletic cultural centre.
Hasan Ali of the Pancyprian labour federation.
Ahmet Ibrahim and Arif Hulusi Barudi, for expressing pro-coexistence views.
Dervis Ali Kavazoglu, unionist in favour of peaceful coexistence.
The TMT took Cyprus from peaceful coexistence among its minorities to a state of civil war requiring UN intervention, in order to make it known that peaceful coexistence was not an option. Their sponsors in Ankara certainly got a good return on their investment...
From 'Cyprus: The long decline of international law' by Henrik R. Clausen
http://europenews.dk/en/node/45462