Akiner,
13 bullets were shot in the body of 12 year old Ugur at close range, and the weapons were left there by the security forces that comitted this crime to justify it.
When you post these propaganda links, you just show how blinded you are from your nationalism. Instead of seeking the truth, you run away from it, in order to justify your rosy picture of Turkish human rights in whatever way you can. When you learn to think like a human being, not like a hardcore turkish nationalist, maybe we can lead some reasonable discussion.
Here is a report by Human Rights Watch in Turkey, but apparently you choose to believe some tabloid like SABAH.
Unlawful Killings by Security Forces
In addition to security concerns arising from the village guard system, attacks on civilians by the gendarmerie discourage return. Three unlawful killings by security forces in late 2004, underscored the continued potential for lethal state violence against civilians in general, and IDPs in particular.
On November 21, security forces shot dead Ahmet Kaymaz, a villager displaced from Köprülü village in Mardin province, and his twelve-year-old son Uğur Kaymaz in the nearby town of Kızıltepe.15 Neighbors told the Human Rights Association of Turkey (HRA) that Kaymaz and his son had been preparing their commercial vehicle for a forthcoming journey and were unarmed at the time of the shooting. The provincial governor issued a statement that “two terrorists have been captured dead following a clash.”16 An HRA delegation investigated the incident and concluded that there was little evidence to suggest that Kaymaz and his son had been involved in an armed clash with security forces, as the official incident report claims. The HRA noted that since Kaymaz was a full-time truck driver and that his son had an uninterrupted attendance record at his local primary school, they were unlikely to be members of any guerrilla force. Kaymaz had recently appointed a lawyer to deal with his application for compensation for his displacement, and the autopsy report noted that related documents were on his person at the time of death.
A week after the Kaymaz killings, on November 28, gendarmes shot dead Fevzi Can, a shepherd who resided in the partially evacuated village of Ortaklar, in Şemdinli, Hakkari province.17 A local newspaper reported claims by Fevzi Can’s uncle that the military authorities had taken the body away and refused to release it unless Can’s relatives signed a statement saying that “a terrorist who failed to respond to a call to halt was killed.”18 Official statements described Can as a livestock smuggler19 but the village muhtar and Fevzi Can’s brother denied this, and pointed out that the animals in his possession had not been confiscated by the authorities, as is usual in smuggling cases, following Fevzi Can’s death. Efforts to coerce the relatives and conflicting stories about “terrorism” and “livestock smuggling” have provoked suspicions that this was an unlawful killing.
Four members of the Turkish Army Special Operations Team were indicted in December 2004 by the Mardin Chief Prosecutor’s Office for the killings of Ahmet and Uğur Kaymaz. The first hearing was held on February 12 at Mardin Criminal Court No. 2. The trial continues. An investigation has been opened against gendarmes thought to be responsible for the death of Fevzi Can. Prosecutions in southeast Turkey for similar crimes in the past have rarely resulted in convictions, giving cause for scepticism about whether those responsible for these offences will be held to account.
The discovery on November 4, 2004, of a common grave containing the bones of eleven people in the Kepre district of Alaca village has renewed awareness of the region’s history of violence and impunity. DNA samples are currently being tested, but clothing and objects indicate that the remains belong to eleven villagers detained by soldiers and “disappeared” at the time of the forced evacuation and destruction of Alaca in 1993.20 In 2001, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) found the Turkish government responsible for violations of the right to life in respect of the eleven men. In its judgment, the Court was “struck by the lack of any meaningful effort” by public prosecutors to investigate the “disappearances” at Alaca.21 Villagers told the court that commandos from Bolu took the villagers away, but no soldiers from that unit were indicted.
According to the U.N. Principles on the Effective Prevention and Investigation of Extra-Legal, Arbitrary and Summary Executions, killings such as those described above should be investigated by independent expert commissions.22 The Turkish authorities have consistently resisted this route, preferring to leave the job to the public prosecution service that, over the past two decades, has proven itself either unable or unwilling to hold the members of the security forces to account.
Unless the Turkish government radically alters the manner in which allegations of killings by the security services and the village guard are investigated, and the perpetrators brought to account, impunity will continue, and many internally displaced will lack the confidence to return to their homes.
source:
http://www.hrw.org/reports/2005/turkey0305/4.htm
MonoWAR,
how many turks lived in what is now called Greece in 1900. 5 to 8 millions of Turks were expelled from all the Balkans as a result of the liberation of Bulgaria, Greece and Serbia. Turkey was hardpressed to deal with millons of refugees, when you greeks tried to invade what was left of its European territories. How do you explain the fact that turkey recognizes the Rum (greek) nature of this minority and allows the Greek patriarchate in Istanbul, does Greece do any of this NOW? Your state is the most ethnically homogenous one, because you have ethnically cleansed and assimilated all minorities slavic, turkish and albanian forcefully. Where are the albanians of South Epirus, the bulgarians of Western Thrace, the macedonians of Aegean Macedonia, the turks of Thessaloniki?
