Mehmet,
Nothing would had been like you said... EOKA-B continued massacre TCs in Limassol, Paphos, Alaminos, Maratha, Sandalaris and Atlilar even after 24th of July when Sampson was arrested and Klerides appointed as a new president of RoC.
Violence Continues
After the Turkish landings it was argued by the Greek-Cypriots that even if the first landing was legal the extension of the area under Turkish control from 22nd July to 16th August 1974 was illegal since there was no longer and subsisting breach of the Treaty. However, the facts do not support this view, because large scale murders of Turkish-Cypriot families continued to take place, particularly in the villages of Aloa (Times, Guardian, 21st August), Zyyi, Sandallaris, Mari, Maratha, and Tokhni, and again despite the presence in Cyprus of UN troops. In Tokhni on 14th August 1974 all the Turkish-Cypriot men between the ages of 13 and 74, except for eighteen who managed to escape, were taken away and shot.
In Zyyi on the same day all the Turkish-Cypriot men aged between 19 and 28 were taken away by Greek-Cypriots and were never seen again. On the same day Greek-Cypriots opened fire in the Turkish-Cypriot neighbourhood of Paphos killing men, women and children indiscriminately. On 23rd July 1974 the Washington Post reported "In a Greek raid on a small Turkish village near Limassol 36 people out of a population of 200 were killed. The Greeks said that they had been given orders to kill the inhabitants of the Turkish villages before the Turkish forces arrived." (See also Times, Guardian, 23rd July).
On 24th July 1974 France Soir reported "The Greeks burned down Turkish mosques and set fire to Turkish homes in the villages around Famagusta. Defenseless Turkish villagers who have no weapons live in an atmosphere of terror and they evacuate their homes and go and live in tents in the forests. The Greeks' actions are a shame to humanity." On 28th July the New York Times reported that 14 Turkish-Cypriot men had been shot in Alaminos.
The "Republic had once again failed to maintain respect for the constitution
That's why second peace operation of Turkish army took place in August. Otherwise it was obvious that more massacres would had taken place onwards.
On 22nd July Ecevit called upon the UN to "stop the genocide of Turkish-Cypriots" and declared "Turkey has accepted a cease-fire, but will not allow Turkish-Cypriots to be massacred." (Times 23rd July). On 29th July he was reported by the Daily Telegraph as follows: "Security on paper will not satisfy us. Every Turk in every corner of the island must feel at home. This we regard as an inalienable human right. So called security measures which have left Turkish-Cypriots in fear of attack and massacre are no good." The German newspaper Die Zeit wrote on 30th August 1974 "the massacre of Turks in Paphos and Famagusta is the proof of how justified the Turks were to undertake their second intervention".
In any event military action never really ceased between 20th July and 16th August. The Greeks and Greek-Cypriots continued to lay mines and construct strongpoints around the Turkish positions, and the Turks continued to reinforce their troops and to send out patrols.
In that position Turkish forces were not secure, and could certainly not protect the siege in Famagusta. On 8th August the Guardian reported that they had been under sustained mortar attack for 20 days, and on 17th August the Daily Telegraph reported that in the first three days of the siege an estimated 2,000 mortar bombs had fallen on them. Accordingly the Turkish army moved our of its bridgehead and advanced upon Famagusta with the object of rescuing the Turkish-Cypriot population of Famagusta and of securing a viable defensive position. The siege of Famagusta was lifted on 16th August.
The House of Commons Select Committee on Cyprus reported in 1976 "The second phase of military operations was inevitable in the view of your committee as the position reached by the Turkish forces at the time of the first cease-fire was untenable militarily and they needed tanks and armour to consolidate their position and secure Famagusta."
Regarding the restoration of constitutional order; neither of the two parties were believing that a bi-communal unitary state would be viable anymore, so they made two important agreements in 1975(Exchange of population agreement between Makarios and Denktash... though GCs claim that they were driven away from their houses by force) , 77 and 79.
Having regard to the events of 1960 and 1974 no serious section of Cypriot opinion, whether Greek or Turk, regards re-establishment of the 1960 Constitution itself as practical, and indeed on 12th February 1977 Makarios and Denktas agreed that thenceforth they were seeking a bi-communal federal Republic. This was reaffirmed by Kyprianou, successor to Makarios, in 1979, and was even the view of the British Foreign Secretary, who answered "yes" to the following question from the House of Commons Select Committee on Cyprus (HC. 331 1975/76, page 55 para, 141):
"Would the Foreign Secretary agree that we could hardly restore the 1960 Constitution, since at least two of the provisions which were enshrined in the Constitution, the separate municipalities and the Turkish (Cypriot) share of the police and civil service, were never in fact implemented?"
Although it is impossible to re-establish the 1960 Constitution itself it continues however to be practical to re-establish the 1960 state of affairs in substance, namely respect for the human rights of all Cypriots and respect for the existence of both communities as political entities, and in the meantime for the most basic right of all, namely the right to live in peace, to be guaranteed. It would be absurd to argue that by making it impossible the re-establish the 1960 state of affairs in its entirety, Greeks and Greek-Cypriots could deprive Turkey of its right to guarantee the survival of the Turkish-Cypriot community.
Piratis,
It is not only Turkeys fault to have not been reached a solution onwards 1974...
At the first Geneva Conference on 30th July 1974, Turkey, Greece and the United Kingdom acknowledged the existence in Cyprus of two autonomous administrations representing the Turkish-Cypriots and the Greek-Cypriots respectively, and it was agreed that negotiations should be carried on to secure a workable constitution for Cyprus as a whole. Since then the leaders of the two communities have held frequent talks. In 1978 the Turkish-Cypriots proposed the reopening of the Famagusta suburb of Varosha which contains many hotels and had lain derelict since 1974, provided Nicosia airport was opened to all, but this was rejected.
The 1984 draft framework agreement had been prepared by an exhaustive series of talks under the auspices of the Secretary General, and the Turkish-Cypriots were assured by him that the document, dated 27th November 1984, was acceptable to the Greek-Cypriots. On that basis the Turkish-Cypriots agreed to go to the UN to sign it, but when Denktas arrived in New York he found that Kyprianou wished to re-negotiate it.
Kyprianou's announcement at the Summit surprised even his own people, and on his return home a motion censure upon him was passed by the Greek-Cypriot House of Representatives. In the course of the debate Mr. Clerides, leader of the Democratic Rally Party said:
"Right from the first day of the meeting, Kypranou asked for the re-negotiation of everything from A to Z. Among the points he asked to re-negotiate were issues that did not fall within the scope of the Summit, and issues which were already discussed and agreed upon. He should not have brought forth again issues already debated and agreed upon with Denktas."
In the same debate Mr. Papaiannou, Secretary-General of the AKEL party, said: "Kyprianou never adopted the basis of the federation, which was agreed upon by Makarios and Denktas, and Kyprianou never exerted any effort for the solution of the Cyprus problem on the basis of a federation. Kyprianou never respected the Summit agreements."
As you see dear Piratis some GC authorities have responsibilities not have been able to reached a just and viable solution.
What GC administration dreams of is that to make TCs a minority like Turks in Greece or any other minorities in Cyprus which perhaps are only 1/20 in compare with TCs population.
Regarding the percentage of communal rights:
Yes.. it has to be proportional... To take more representation than our population percentage is not fair. It's a discrimination. Klerides and Denktash had agreed on proportional representation and participatioon on every organization of RoC in 1971.
Regarding with the presence of foreign troops(Turkish, Greek, UN) in Cyprus:
A mutualy agreeed numbers of foreign forces should be maintained in Cyprus till two communities get along fairly good with each other. Then a referandum can be held and two communities decide foreign forces presence in Cyprus.
Regarding the settlers:
All unregistered settlers must be sent back to their countries. All others who had been brung 30-20 years ago must be granted the UCR citizenship. They are just 45 thousand settlers who are already registered as TRNC citizens. The other 75 thousands of settlers are their children or grandchildren who were born in Cyprus.
The presence of 120.000 settlers in Cyprus don't create any political risks for both communities because it has been clearly seen that just %3-5 of the settlers voted for the parties that have been founded by settlers. Overwhelming majority of settlers voted for the TC parties and there are 4-5 settler MPs in Norths parliament.
Regarding the properties have been being occupied by settlers:
They must be helped, provided debt to either buy the house they illegaly occupy or build a new house. The full entitlement of the properties which illegaly occupied by settlers must be given back to the real owners. They either sell, rent or settle down it.
A mutualy agreed limitation must be put on refugees who will return back to settle down their properties due to bi-zonality.
Regarding the political rights of Turkish constituent state citizens:
The full political rights of GCs who would live under the laws of Turkish constituent state must be given in a mutualy agreed time period when they have learned each others language and get along fairly good with each other. Otherwise they will face with lot of big difficulties to communicate each other and it won't be viable.