Well said Mete... congrats on your 1000th post incidentally...
Thanks moose.
Brother, the military junta leader in charge of Greece, who was promoting EOKA B, was a puppet of the CIA.
As for the British, well it's not secret of their divide and rule tactics used accross the British EMpire, including Cyprus.
Enosis movement and inter-communal violence in Cyprus was not started by the Greek Junta. The civilian regimes of Hellenes and Greek junta had the same cause = Enosis. Both had political and paramilitary groups. Even both had thousands of troops ready to take orders from the political and military leaders of Enosis. Could the civilian regimes of Hellenes achieved Enosis with their political plots and paramilitary-groups of pre-Eoka-B; there would have been nothing to do for the Greek Junta and EOKA-B.
Ps: M_S, you still believe what have been taught to you about Cyprus problem. You are thousands of miles away from the truths and core of the problem.
On 21 April 1967 democracy was overthrown in Greece, bringing to power a group of colonels, some of whom--such as Colonel George Papadopoulos--had had experience of serving in Cyprus. They declared that the Cyprus dispute had gone on long enough and should be wound up. On 2 July they issued a statement calling for the resignation of those leaders in Cyprus who 'on the eve of decisive developments', set 'groundless conditions and subversive, prerequisites'. In September the Greek and Turkish leaders had what was intended to be a dramatic meeting on the Greco-Turkish border, at which Papadopoulos made the Turks a secret offer in return for their permitting enosis which he thought that they could not refuse. It was probably very much on the lines of the Acheson plan. To Papadopoulos's surprise the offer was turned down; the bold move did not come off.
Relations with Makarios who did not fancy either union with a dictatorship or the junta's solution for Cyprus became increasingly strained. The President began cutting the budget of the National Guard, building up his own para-military force, and becoming more amenable to UN suggestions for easing tension. Road blocks, for instance, were removed from outside the Turkish quarters of Paphos and Limasol, and they were allowed to buy 'strategic materials'. General Grivas, meanwhile, was getting out of hand. The number of shooting incidents, which had fallen off since August 1964, began to increase alarmingly. There were also terrorist attacks on AKEL and its affiliated movement, the Pan-Cyprian Federation of Labour.
Then, in February 1972, the Greek Government sent a note telling Makarios to dismiss his long-time Foreign Minister, Spyros Kyprianou, and other open opponents of the junta and create a 'government of national unity' composed of all segments of 'nationalist Cypriot Hellenism' (that is, excluding AKEL and others lacking enthusiasm for enosis). Makarios was told to remember that 'the National Centre is always Athens'. A fortnight later the Bishops of the Church of Cyprus, purportedly in Holy Synod, ordered Makarios to resign as President on the grounds of the incompatibility of ecclesiastical authority and temporal power. Makarios replaced Kyprianou but held mass rallies to prove his popularity, refused to form the type of government demanded, and sponsored a new newspaper which attacked the junta and supported the King. Clerides told Makarios that he was fighting on three fronts--the Greek junta, 'EOKA B', and the Turks.
However, Grivas died of a heart attack in January 1974 and control of 'EOKA B' was rapidly taken over by the agents of the junta.
1964 January, London Conference. British, US efforts to create NATO force. Makarios announces abrogation of treaties (then backs away); TCs want partition. Denktash summoned to Ankara, return to Cyprus barred until 1968. NATO plan rejected by Makarios. February, brutal attacks on TC civilians in Limassol. March, UNFICYP established; British troops on island seconded to UN force. National Guard put under command of Greek army general. Some 20,000 TCs flee areas where violence occurred, taking refuge in enclaves; some Turkish villages looted and destroyed. June, Turkish invasion threatened. Grivas returns to command Greek army contingent; expanded control to National Guard leading Greek commander to resign. President Johnson's letter to Inonu deterring invasion; Acheson Plan for "double enosis" proposed and rejected. August, arms & men imported by both sides. GC attack on and capture of TC villages in the Tylliria area in effort to control the coastline led to Turkish bombing of GC villages which included the use of napalm. Ceasefire arranged.
1965 U.N. mediator Galo Plaza issues controversial report, and is withdrawn.
1966 Talks between Turkey and Greece
1967 Military coup in Greece; secret talks with Turkey. Grivas orders attack of TC villages; threat of Turkish intervention; recall of Grivas & thousands of excess Greek troops. Provisional TC administration created in enclaves.
Uneasy Truce: August 1964 to November 1967
The bitter fighting between Greek and Turkish Cypriots that collapsed the constitutional structure of Cyprus and drove hundreds, if not thousands, of Turkish Cypriots into protected enclaves ended in August 1964. The ensuing period was a battleground of public relations, managing a embargo on the enclaves, and international wrangling. It is a particularly crucial period in the Turkish Cypriot narrative, because they claim that the Adivision@ of the island was engineered in 1964 (not with the landing of Turkish troops ten years later) by Greek Cypriots, including President Makarios. By all accounts, conditions in the enclaves were very poor, and Turkish Cypriots who left the enclaves were frequently subject to harassment. Many mixed villages continued to live in relative harmony, however, and that fact forms the core of the Greek Cypriot political narrative.
Below is an account of this period from the standpoint of politics, violence, and migration, written by one of the few outside scholars to have studied this first-hand, the Canadian graduate student, Richard Patrick. This work was his dissertation. It demonstrates the power of accumulated and organized data, and in this provides a better sense of what actually was happening than virtually any other account. This is chapter four from his classic work, Political Geography and the Cyprus Conflict, 1963-1971.
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THE PERIOD OF ECONOMIC SANCTIONS
11 AUGUST 1964 -15 NOVEMBER 1967
The battle at Kokkina in August 1964 had marked the end of the most violent stage of the Cyprus inter-communal conflict. Violence was not absent in the next phase of the conflict but it did decrease both in frequency and intensity, even though the major battle at Ayios Theodhoros marks the end of that stage. The majority of the Greek-Cypriot community accepted their government's appreciation that the achievement of enosis would take longer than originally expected and they supported the decision to seek union with Greece by a reliance on political and economic means. On the other hand, a minority of Greek-Cypriots still adhered to an Aenosis now@ idea, and they continued to view armed coercion as the most appropriate means to achieve their goal. In the meantime, Turkish-Cypriots remained relatively united about the idea of taksim, about the decision to resist Greek-Cypriot control, and about the various means by which the Leadership and the Fighters attempted to implement their community's geopolitical goal. By November 1967, few changes had been made to the geopolitical fields which were already in existence in Cyprus in August 1964. However, a significantly new field had been created, that of the Greek-Cypriot intra-communal confrontation.
All taken from a reputable source Insan...not the Denktash Daily Observer or whatever crap you seem to type.
gabaston wrote:hey justanamerican
m_s thought you were pro tc and i got the impression you were pro gc so you must be doing something right..........good on ya .... please keep up the informative postings.
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