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Patterns of Cypriot Identity or Why Cypriotism doesn't exist
by Jan Asmussen (1)
Introduction
Cypriotism existed neither as a term nor as a concept of a shared identity before the tragic
events of 1974. Both communities defined themselves rather as Turks and Greeks
respectively. There has, however, been an element of commonness among especially left
wing organisations such as AKEL and PEO, but it is vital to emphasise that these
organisations referred to "the working classes" rather than to a "Cypriot nation" or culture as
patterns of a shared identity. Thus they automatically excluded members of other social
classes.
During the 1950's and early 1960's AKEL campaigns in ethnically mixed villages (i.e. Greek
Turkish) promoted "Greek Turkish friendship as implemented by Atatürk and Venizelos" (2).
Cypriot identity did not emerge as a fruit of the island's own philosophical gardens before the
two communities found themselves separated by a violent conflict which started in the late
1950's and resulted in the 1974 war. From the ruins of the Greek Cypriot dream of ENOSIS
new concepts emerged which were now emphasising the common elements of Greek and
Turkish Cypriot culture and history.(3)
Thus "Cypriotism" is not the result of a long process developed in centuries of identity
building, but rather a concept developed by intellectuals aimed to overcome a political and
social tragedy.
For almost 30 years the realities of the island have separated the communities even further.
New generations have grown up in ignorance of the true nature of their Greek Cypriot or
Turkish Cypriot neighbours. They don't speak the same language and had little chance to
interact. The intercommunal activities under the auspices of the UN, prepared by several
NGOs, were limited to a small portion of the Cypriot populace.
The 23rd of April 2003 has changed the fate of the island rapidly and hopefully irreversibly.
The opening of the borders for both Greek and Turkish Cypriots has made individual
interaction between Cypriots possible again. Thousands of Greek and Turkish Cypriots
already took this opportunity and surely more will take it in the near future.
The political implications of this development are not foreseeable, but the German
experience of 1989/90 showed us that such moves usually carry a dynamic which cannot be
controlled by self-interested political circles. It might rather result in a new movement by both
peoples in Cyprus, leading to a lasting settlement. Should such a settlement lead to a new
state in Cyprus (as envisaged in the Annan-Plan), the question of the common ground on
which this new state should be built must be raised again.
Having rejected the idea of an original common Cypriot social and historical identity we
should move on to ask for the patterns of identity the Cypriot communities might share or
which are at least similar.
Until the 1970's, Cyprus was mainly dominated by rural life. Consequently, an analysis of
historical and cultural similarities of Greek and Turkish Cypriots must concentrate on rural
rather than urban life.
Kyriacos Markides gave an excellent categorisation of Greek Cypriot identity which,
according to the authors own research, can be attributed to Turkish Cypriots alike: "The three
social categories with which a Greek [Cypriot] identifies himself most ready are family, the
community of origin and the nation. Family is by far the most important institution in their
lives." (4)
If we leave aside the categories family - though important, but not distinguishable between
Turks and Greeks unless it co-aligns with nation (see intermarriages below) - and nation, we
should regard the village as a special pattern of identity which might at a point of Cypriot
history have surpassed the principles of Greek and Turkish nationalism.
Once there were over 340 villages in Cyprus in which Greek and Turkish Cypriots lived,
worked, loved, struggled, discussed, drunk and celebrated together.(5)
Most people living in these villages developed specific indigenous identities. Following
Markides categorisation these identities could lead to the following statements of identity:
"I'm Yorgos of the Panteli family, I'm a Potamian (from the village Potamia in the Nicosia
district), I'm a Greek Cypriot, and I'm a Greek."
"I'm Ahmet of the Özgür family, I'm a Potamian, I'm a Turkish Cypriot, and I'm a Turk."
The definition of identity as - first the village, then the nation - prevailed in Cypriot mixed
villages at least until the late 1950's, in some cases even beyond the violent period of
1963/63-67.
Which were the common elements then upon which a village identity, shared by both
communities, could be build on?
Work
Daily work in rural Cyprus was mainly a matter of agriculture, traditionally conducted by
families. In times of harvest, neighbouring families united their efforts to bring in the crops.
Only few households in Cyprus possessed all utilities necessary for the daily life and
economy. This resulted in the dependence of most of the villagers on the cooperation of their
neighbours. This strengthened again the social control within the village.(6) Ethnic or national
affiliations played no role in the selection of partners during this business.(7)
An even more intensive form of cross-family and cross-ethnical support constituted the Cooperative
movement. In 1955 there existed 788 co-operative societies in Cyprus of which
620 were Greek and 168 were Turkish.(8) No separate co-operatives were formed in mixed
villages, but the Turkish rsp. Greek minorities simply joined the Greek rsp. Turkish majority's
co-operative society.(9)
The co-operative movement was split up into separate ethnic sectors according to the
provisions of the Cyprus constitution in 1959; a move which met little resistance in the two
communities.
Spare time
The limited spare time which villagers had to spend was filled with politics, sports and feasts
of various characters.
The largest part of the social activities were not concentrated in the Mosque or Church, but in
the most important social institute of the village - the coffeshop.
A British survey from the 1920's provides us with an accurate image of an average coffeshop
as it could be found in Cyprus until the 1970's and as it - in many cases - still can be
identified in villages:
"The café is the centre of village life. Vendors of fruit, wine, grain and fuel, hucksters with
donkey-carts containing cloth, the local Police Trooper and Forest Guard on their rounds call
there; the Tax Collector sits there at the receipt of custom; in the evenings there is talk of
prices, rain, crops, birth and death. It is the habit of the villager to visit the café in the evening
after his work. In some villages visits are paid in the morning before work. To the casual
observer there always appears to be a certain number of men in the café at any hour of the
day and charges have been made in the local newspapers to the effect that cafés are the
ruin of the Island and the cause of much waste of time which would otherwise be profitably
spent in agricultural work. But an enquiry from such a group of men will often prove that
some are labourers who have been unable to find work on that particular day and are waiting
there in case anybody requires a labourer. Others may be on their way to another village,
one or two may be sick, one may be selling firewood or eggs, another may have left his shop
or carpentering for a few minutes' rest. [...] except for an occasional fair or marriage feast the
café is his only opportunity for recreation and exchange of news regarding market rates, crop
prospects, and other items of local interest."(10)
Politics
Village politics were naturally conducted in the coffeshops as well. Peter Loizos identified
four factors central for the understanding of [political] village life in Cyprus: the credit system,
the office of the Mukhtar (village head), the role of education and the teacher and the
influence of party politics.(11)
For mixed villages only the first factor was shared by both communities. Greeks and Turks
could be in debt to the same moneylender, who often was both the biggest landowner and
Mukhtar at the same time. Apart from that, mixed villages had separate Mukhtars, village
councils, schools and of course school teachers.
The last element (education) constitutes the most separating factor in mixed villages, since it
was the most powerful vehicle for the introduction of nationalism.(12)
Soccer
During the 1920's, football became a integral part of the sporting life in Cypriot cities and
became increasingly popular in villages as well.(13) By the 1940's, most villages had their
own football club. Mixed villages generally possessed only one team in which both Greeks
and Turks participated and which - whenever successful - contributed to the villages
pride.(14)
Feasts
The Greek-Orthodox Christians had 23 different religious feasts. Apart from the general
Christian feasts, like Christmas and Easter, local "Holy figures" and the Saints of the village
churches were celebrated. The Muslims celebrated special feast during nine days every year
(Ramazan, Seker Bayrami, Kurban Bayrami, Mevlid und Namaz).
Religious feasts were far from being a separate ethnical affair. Turkish Cypriots joined the
celebrations conducted around Christmas and Easter while Greek Cypriots were invited to
have Bayram cakes by their Muslim neighbours.
It was quite common amongst the Cypriots and especially the villagers to venerate Muslim
and Christian shrines alike. This sort of practise continued in many villages, even during the
1950's, despite the fact that the newly appointed Archbishop had held a plebiscite for Enosis,
and that the EOKA struggle had started.(15)
An originally Christian feast, the Feast of Mother Mary (Panajiri), became so popular that it
actually merged into a non-religious village feast held all over Cyprus. Both communities
equally took part in it and the Turkish Cypriots even adopted it in solely Muslim villages under
the name "Panayir".
During these and other village feasts, which were conducted on the occasion of the harvest
and family events (especially marriages), the rich song and dance culture of Cyprus
flourished. Identical dances which carried both Greek and Turkish names were conducted.
For example the Karshilima/Karchilamas dances: the Birinci, Ikinci, Üçüncü, Dördüncü or
Brodos, Thefteras, Tritos, Deftertos (first, second, third, forth). In addition, versions of the
following dances were to be found in Cyprus: Sirto/Sirtos, Mandira/Mandra,
Arabiye/Arabiyes, Zeybek/Zeybekiko, Susta/Sustahs, Garrotsari/Karrotseris,
Çifteelli/Chiftellis and the butchers' dance Kasap oyunu/ Kasabiko.(16)
Limitations of interethnic relations
Interethnic life in Cyprus can be qualified as a symbiosis, born out of the necessity for cooperation
to survive. Through a period of more than 400 years, both communities developed
mutual respect, shared elements of culture and, especially in mixed villages, a certain level
of common local identities.
The existence of many folk tales and songs dealing with love affairs between Greek and
Turkish Cypriots and especially the Romeo and Julia-type tales about "O Christofis tzi
Emine" indicate that nature was having its course in Cyprus like elsewhere in the world.(17)
However, it rarely came to intermarriages which are naturally the prerequisite for either
assimilation of one ethnic group into the other or the emergence of new ethnic groups
combining elements of the original ones.(18) By 1946 the rate of intermarriages was far
below 0.2 % of the entire population. The multifaceted reasons for this is a combination of
religious incompatibility, different dowry schemes and moral value systems of ethnical selfpreservation.
These limitations made nation-building in a traditional sense impossible in
Cyprus.
Conclusions
There is a remarkable set of cultural similarities, common heritage and shared local identities
detectable in the history of both communities in Cyprus, many of which either vanished
during the last forty to thirty years or which remained but were overshadowed by the
repercussions of the unsolved Cyprus conflict.
To which extend can cultural similarities help to find a new understanding between Greek
and Turkish Cypriots? The answer might be: As little as the repetition of historical accusation
about 1963/64 and 1974 can do!
A sound knowledge of both history and culture are of course vital for reconciliation between
the two communities once a solution is found for the political problems of the island.
However, after such a reconciliation is reached, both Turkish and Greek Cypriots have to find
new ways of co-operation.
Young Cypriots are usually not able to communicate in more than one of the traditional
languages of Cyprus. Unlike their grandparents and parents, young Turkish Cypriots have
little knowledge of Greek, while the knowledge of Turkish never has been widespread among
Greek Cypriots in the first place.
The opening of the borders has provided both communities with the chance to get to know
each other (anew). For the young generation, the means of linguistic and cultural
communication are set by globalisation. Not old values of Cypriot culture, but world culture as
manifested in the English language and (mainly) western culture, make them realise today
that their perceptions of life are not far apart from each other.
Combining these features with the framework of the institutions and values of the European
Union might pave the way for a new Cyprus, which leaves the burdens of the past aside and
recalls patterns of a shared Cypriot identity as an incentive to create new ones in the future.
References
(1) Jan Asmussen is Assistant Professor at the Department of History of the Eastern
Mediterranean University, Gazimagusa (Famagusta).
(2) Asmussen, Jan: "Wir waren wie Brüder". Zusammenleben und Konfliktentstehung in
ethnisch gemischten Dörfern auf Zypern, Lit Verlag, Hamburg 2001, p.133.
(3) See for example: Kyrris, Costas P.: Peaceful Coexistence in Cyprus under British Rule
(1878-1959) and after Independence. Nicosia 1977; Kyrris, Costas P.: Symbiotic Elements in
the History of the Two Communities of Cyprus, reprint from: Proceedings of the International
Symposium on Political Geography. Nicosia 1976, in: Kypriakos Logos 7 (1976) 46/47, p.
243-282
(4) Markides, Lysi, p. 84.
(5) There existed 239 mixed villages in 1858 (FO 198/13 Consular report); in 1891 their
number had risen to 346 while it reduced to 252 by 1931; Patrick, Richard A.: Political
Geography and the Cyprus Conflict 1963-1971, Waterloo 1976, p.12.
(6) Markides, op.cit., p. 81.
(7) Asmussen, op.cit., p. 127
(8) CO 69/58 Administration Reports 1955, Part I, Annual Report of the Co-operative
Development for the Year ending 31st December 1955 by W.G. Alexander, MBE.,
Commissioner for Co-operative Development, Nicosia 1956. See: Attalides, Michael: Forms
of peasant incorporation in Cyprus during the last century, in: Gellner, Ernest; Waterbury,
John (Hrsg.): Patrons and Clients in Mediterranean Societies. London 1977, S.137-155;
Azinas, A.-A.: Genossenschaftlicher Fortschritt in Zypern. In: Internationale
Genossenschaftliche Rundschau, 3 (1974), p. 108f.
(9) Asmussen, op.cip., p. 129.
(10) Surridge, B. J., Commissioner Larnaca: A Survey of Rural Life in Cyprus. Based on
reports of investigators who visited villages throughout the Colony during 1927 and 1928,
and amplified by statistical and other information from the records of Government. Nicosia
1930, p. 22f.
(11) Loizos, Peter: Politics and patronage in a Cypriot village, 1920-1970, in: Gellner, Ernest;
Waterbury, John (Ed.): Patrons and Clients in Mediterranean Societies. London 1977, p.
115-135, p. 121.
(12) Kitromilides, Paschalis M.; Couloumbis, Theodore A.: Ethnic Conflict in a Strategic Area.
The Case of Cyprus, in: Said, Abdul; Simmons, Luiz R. (Ed.): Ethnicity in an international
context. New Brunswick 1976, p. 167-202, p. 170.
(13) Surridge, op.cit., p. 24.
(14) Asmussen, op.cit., p. 63.
(15) Beckingham, C. F.: The Turks of Cyprus, in: The Journal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 87 (1957) 2, p. 165-74, p. 173.
(16) Azgin, Bekir: Politics and Folklore in Cyprus. Paper presented at the Conference on
"Cyprus and its People: New Interdisciplinary Perspectives" at Harvard University, December
1-3. 1994, p. 12.
(17) Papadopoullos, Theodore (Ed.): Dimosi Kypriaka Asmata ex anekdoton syllogon tou I
Th' aionas, in: Dimosievmata tou Kentrou Epistiminikon Erevnon, vol. 5. Nicosia 1975, p.
217f.; Giagkoullis, K.: O Christofis tzi Emine, in: Laografiki Kypros 12 (1972), p. 15-21.
(18) For a theory on "Interethnic symbiosis" see Asmussen, op.cit., p. 324-392.

[denizaksulu]

Not many TCs voting here....where r u Miltiades? thought u said msot TCs supported your Cypriotism?

So which of the above options is in favor of Cypriotism? The poll is a load of one-sided junk designed to poll negativity.

VP , the poll is rubbish , it would be wouldn't it after all it was started by Paphitis !! 3 votes !!
I will prove something to you VP , a poll that I shall device tomorrow asking T/Cs 3 and only 3 questions . Lets see the response which I predict will exonerate my views conclusively.
Wait for the morning .

Halil stated that he doesn't except the word called Cypriotism. Any reaction to that statement?

To do this , first of all we have to have a proper, all emcompassing definition of 'Cypriotism'. Then we might get somewhere.

[insan]

Nobody ever doubted that there are half-baked Cypriots of Turkish background!

The question everyone should be asking is why isn’t there a…

“I'm Turkish Cypriot who is happy to adopt Cypriotism and WILL HAPPILY DENOUNCE TURKISHNESS!”

…option to distinguish patriots???

Because Pahitoui is an EOKA-B arsehole that's why!

He covered that one with ....

(a) I'm Turkish Cypriot who is happy to adopt Cypriotism but not at the expense of my Turkish Culture and Inheritance.

... saliently the same!

What are you stupid or something? Are these two the same?

Essentially, they are the same. Explain how they are NOT!

If the “Turkish Culture and Inheritance” is NOT expendable then how can it possibly be the same as denouncing it???

By the very act of not viewing it as expendable, one does not denounce it, hence saliently the same in this context ... unless you are an arsehole who does not expend nor denounce his false position!

Sorry Oracle, but its English 01 for you…

de•nounce

1. To condemn openly as being evil or reprehensible. See Synonyms at

You think they're TCs in this forum who see Turkishness as being evil or reprehensible? You are truly living in a dream world. Is there any TC who agrees with GR? Is any TC here going to denounce their Turkishness to adopt Cypriotism?

Only TC far left has denounced their Turkishness so far and adopted Cypriotness. However their Cypriotness is not how u expected. Neither of the heroes of Greek speaking Cypriots r nonsidered as the national heroes of Cyprus by TC far left. R they still Cypriots according to Greek speaking Cypriots?

Insan, do you denounce your Turkishness to adopt Cypriotism? Its a yes or no question.

No, under current circumstances. Yes, if one day we need a nation building process. U can't get rid of ur nationality just by denouncing it. As I previously mentioned it could only be obtained by natural evolution and it depends on positive or negative effect of some important internal/external elements.

It also depends what the qualifications needed to be a Cypriot. I hereby am asking to GR or Paphitis to tell me the qualifications of being just a Cypriot. It seems that being a Cypriot is something like completely denouncing our past. On which values we would build our future? Which parts of our history must be skipped? More than Bafidi, GR has a lot to answer... GR, who r ur national heroes? Some Choirokitians? Or we don't need any national heroes and national days? Just saying "I'm a Cypriot." is sufficient to be considered as a Cypriot?

[The Cypriot]

Just saying "I'm a Cypriot." is sufficient to be considered as a Cypriot?

I'm a Cypriot. What do you think?

[Oracle]

It seems that being a Cypriot is something like completely denouncing our past.

In your case ... that would be a good thing!

[The Cypriot]

Only TC far left has denounced their Turkishness so far and adopted Cypriotness.

Not true. I know TCs who are not on the 'far left' who have adopted Cypriotness.

And what does 'far left' mean in 2009. Someone who looks towards the defunct Soviet Union? Or the rabidly capitalist China?

However their Cypriotness is not how u expected. Neither of the heroes of Greek speaking Cypriots r nonsidered as the national heroes of Cyprus by TC far left. R they still Cypriots according to Greek speaking Cypriots?

Can't speak for Greek-speaking Cypriots (can't speak Greek all that well), but Cypriot-speaking Cypriots? According to us these TCs are definitely worthy of being called Cypriot.

[insan]

The GC/TC thing was invented by the British much earlier than that for obvious reasons if that's what you're asking...

I have to agree with you there, GR.

Well I'll be damned if it ain't Expat! Welcome back...

I'd been reading examples of the "divide and rule" strategms of the British Empire, GR. While you and I don't agree on the main issue, I do wonder if things would have been a lot better for everyone on Cyprus had Britain not created discord.

The Enosis and majority rule stance had already divided the 2 communities of Cyprus from the very first day British Rule began on Cyprus. TCs took side with Brits because they neither wanted Enosis nor being ruled by GCs. Where is divide and rule policy of Brits? TCs as a community naturally decided to take side with Brits. GCs just were expecting the Brits cede Cyprus to Greece just like they ceded Ionian islands to Greece. On the other hand TCs were expecting Brits to cede Cyprus to Turkey because they ceded Cyprus to UK with an unilateral decision. Then, during the inter-communal armed struggle TCs switched to Taksim policy against Enosis...

[insan]

Only TC far left has denounced their Turkishness so far and adopted Cypriotness.

Not true. I know TCs who are not on the 'far left' who have adopted Cypriotness.

However their Cypriotness is not how u expected. Neither of the heroes of Greek speaking Cypriots r nonsidered as the national heroes of Cyprus by TC far left. R they still Cypriots according to Greek speaking Cypriots?

Can't speak for Greek speaking Cypriots (can't speak Greek all that well), but speaking Cypriot Cypriots? According to us these TCs are definitely Cypriots. And not on the 'far left'.

And what someone on the 'far left' mean in 2009. Someone who looks towards the defunct Soviet Union? Or the rabidly capitalist China?

Our socialists r hardliners. They r against all "imperialist" powers and their institutions e.g EU, NATO.

So, those TCs that u said they adopted Cypriotness celebrate EOKA day together with u? Did they embrace EOKA "fighters" as their national heroes?

[Lit]

Can't speak for Greek-speaking Cypriots (can't speak Greek all that well), but Cypriot Cypriots.....

Cypriot Cypriots? What kind of hash are you smoking?

[insan]

It seems that being a Cypriot is something like completely denouncing our past.

In your case ... that would be a good thing!

Sen demode oldung be aplacığım, sallamam bile artık seni...(Ask deniz for translation)