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Good readings... Knowledge is power! Get it!..Part 2

How can we solve it? (keep it civilized)

Postby insan » Mon Mar 09, 2009 5:56 pm

Piratis wrote:
insan wrote:
DT. wrote:
insan wrote:
DT. wrote:
insan wrote:So, boomerang... What's wrong with Taksim while u were exerting for Enosis. I see nothing wrong with Taksim under such circumstances. Would u mind to explain us what was wrong with Taksim?


Well, we're living taksim right now. Would you like me to list whats wrong with the current situation?


Feel free to do anything u wish. U have never asked my permission before.


ok, let me ask you this. Whats wrong with the present situation?(i.e taksim)


All concerned parties put effort to solve Cyprus problem one way or another for decades. Even under British rule the situation was almost same. It is clearly seen that there has been no solution plan that would satsify vast majority of all concerned parties. Under current circumstances; it is obvious for us TCs that let alone federation even confederation is not considered viable according to latest TC polls. Majority of TCs want 2 sperate states and will struggle for this cause till it is achieved by fair means or foul.


What you want is really irrelevant. What is relevant is what you have the right for. If you want a Ferrari this doesn't mean you have any right to go and steal one. Similarly, you can not have a separate state by stealing land from us.


We r ready for fair exchange and compensation. Even restitute some for the ones willing to live in TRNC.
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Postby Piratis » Mon Mar 09, 2009 6:06 pm

insan wrote:
Piratis wrote:
insan wrote:
DT. wrote:
insan wrote:
DT. wrote:
insan wrote:So, boomerang... What's wrong with Taksim while u were exerting for Enosis. I see nothing wrong with Taksim under such circumstances. Would u mind to explain us what was wrong with Taksim?


Well, we're living taksim right now. Would you like me to list whats wrong with the current situation?


Feel free to do anything u wish. U have never asked my permission before.


ok, let me ask you this. Whats wrong with the present situation?(i.e taksim)


All concerned parties put effort to solve Cyprus problem one way or another for decades. Even under British rule the situation was almost same. It is clearly seen that there has been no solution plan that would satsify vast majority of all concerned parties. Under current circumstances; it is obvious for us TCs that let alone federation even confederation is not considered viable according to latest TC polls. Majority of TCs want 2 sperate states and will struggle for this cause till it is achieved by fair means or foul.


What you want is really irrelevant. What is relevant is what you have the right for. If you want a Ferrari this doesn't mean you have any right to go and steal one. Similarly, you can not have a separate state by stealing land from us.


We r ready for fair exchange and compensation. Even restitute some for the ones willing to live in TRNC.


You have no right for any "trnc" on land that belongs to us by over 80%, neither you have the right to force people to sell to you the land their ancestors have been living for 1000s of years.

If you want a solution based on compensation, then we would be more than happy to buy from you what you legally own in Cyprus at current market values and for you to move back to Turkey. So, do you accept a solution based on compensation? If you don't accept it for yourselves, then don't ask such thing from us.
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Postby insan » Mon Mar 09, 2009 6:10 pm

Piratis wrote:
insan wrote:
Piratis wrote:
insan wrote:
DT. wrote:
insan wrote:
DT. wrote:
insan wrote:So, boomerang... What's wrong with Taksim while u were exerting for Enosis. I see nothing wrong with Taksim under such circumstances. Would u mind to explain us what was wrong with Taksim?


Well, we're living taksim right now. Would you like me to list whats wrong with the current situation?


Feel free to do anything u wish. U have never asked my permission before.


ok, let me ask you this. Whats wrong with the present situation?(i.e taksim)


All concerned parties put effort to solve Cyprus problem one way or another for decades. Even under British rule the situation was almost same. It is clearly seen that there has been no solution plan that would satsify vast majority of all concerned parties. Under current circumstances; it is obvious for us TCs that let alone federation even confederation is not considered viable according to latest TC polls. Majority of TCs want 2 sperate states and will struggle for this cause till it is achieved by fair means or foul.


What you want is really irrelevant. What is relevant is what you have the right for. If you want a Ferrari this doesn't mean you have any right to go and steal one. Similarly, you can not have a separate state by stealing land from us.


We r ready for fair exchange and compensation. Even restitute some for the ones willing to live in TRNC.


You have no right for any "trnc" on land that belongs to us by over 80%, neither you have the right to force people to sell to you the land their ancestors have been living for 1000s of years.

If you want a solution based on compensation, then we would be more than happy to buy from you what you legally own in Cyprus at current market values and for you to move back to Turkey. So, do you accept a solution based on compensation? If you don't accept it for yourselves, then don't ask such thing from us.


Piratis, r u aware of that u left no space for discussion anything with u? U don't have a mentality to solve the problem peacefully one way or another. What u trying to dictate is "either it will be solved how I wish or we will do anything to destroy u on this island."
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Postby halil » Mon Mar 09, 2009 7:02 pm

Events in the Summer of 1974


Note: this history section is an online version of the chapter about UNFICYP in "The Blue Helmets - A Review of United Nations Peace-keeping," a United Nations publication. It covers the period from the establishment of UNFICYP in 1964 until 1996.


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
On 15 July 1974, the National Guard, under the direction of Greek officers, staged a coup d'état against the Cyprus government headed by President Makarios. In view of the seriousness of the matter in relation to international peace and security and in view of the United Nations involvement in Cyprus, the Secretary-General requested the president of the Security Council on 16 July to convene a meeting of the council. The permanent representative of Cyprus also requested a meeting. The council met on 16 and 19 July.

On 20 July, the Turkish government, invoking the Treaty of Guarantee of 1960, launched an extensive military operation on the north coast of Cyprus, which resulted eventually in the occupation of the main Turkish Cypriot enclave north, of Nicosia and areas to the north, east and west of the enclave, including Kyrenia. The Council met oh the same day and adopted resolution 353 (1974), by which it called upon all parties to cease firing and demanded an immediate end to foreign military intervention, requested the withdrawal of foreign military personnel present otherwise than under the authority of international agreements, and called on Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom to enter into negotiations without delay for the restoration of peace in the area and constitutional government in Cyprus. The council also called on all parties to cooperate fully with UNFICYP to enable it to carry out its mandate – thus indicating that UNFICYP was expected to continue to function despite the radically changed circumstances. The ceasefire called for by the council was announced for 16:00 hrs, local time, on 22 July.

Fighting resumed on 23 July, especially in the vicinity of Nicosia International Airport, which, with the agreement of the local military commanders of both sides, was declared a United Nations protected area and was occupied by UNFICYP troops. The Secretary-General reported to the council on the breakdown of the ceasefire, and sent messages to the prime ministers of Greece and Turkey and to the acting president of Cyprus, expressing his great anxiety and requesting measures to ensure observance of the ceasefire. The council on 23 July adopted resolution 354 (1974), reaffirming the provisions of resolution 353 (1974) and demanding that the parties comply immediately with paragraph 2 of that resolution, which called on them to stop firing and refrain from action, which might aggravate the situation.

http://www.unficyp.org/nqcontent.cfm?a_ ... ic&lang=l1
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Postby halil » Mon Mar 09, 2009 7:11 pm

The Republic of Cyprus became an independent state on 16 August 1960, and a Member of the United Nations one month later. The Constitution of the Republic, which came into effect on the day of independence, had its roots in agreements reached between the heads of government of Greece and Turkey at Zurich on 11 February 1959. These were incorporated in agreements reached between those governments and the United Kingdom in London on 19 February. On the same day, the representatives of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities accepted the documents concerned, and accompanying declarations by the three governments, as "the agreed foundation for the final settlement of the problem of Cyprus". The agreements were embodied in treaties - the Treaty of Establishment and the Treaty of Guarantee, signed by Cyprus, Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom, and the Treaty of Alliance, signed by Cyprus, Greece and Turkey - and in the constitution, signed in Nicosia on 16 August 1960.

The settlement of 1959 envisaged Cyprus becoming a republic with a regime specially adapted both to the ethnic composition of its population (approximately 80 per cent Greek Cypriot and 18 per cent Turkish Cypriot) and to what were recognized as special relationships between the Republic and the three other states concerned in the agreements. Thus, the agreements recognized a distinction between the two communities and sought to maintain a certain balance between their respective rights and interests. Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom provided a multilateral guarantee of the basic articles of the constitution. In the event of a breach of the Treaty of Guarantee, the three powers undertook to consult on concerted action, and, if this proved impossible, each of them reserved the right to take action "with the sole aim of re-establishing the state of affairs" set out in the treaty. Both the union of Cyprus with any other state and the partitioning of the island were expressly forbidden. The settlement also permitted the United Kingdom to retain sovereignty over two areas to be maintained as military bases, these areas being in fact excluded from the territory of the Republic of Cyprus.

The constitution assured the participation of each community in the exercise of the functions of the government, while seeking in a number of matters to avoid supremacy on the part of the larger community and assuring also partial administrative autonomy to each community. Under the constitution, their respective communities elected the president, a Greek Cypriot, and the vice-president, a Turkish Cypriot, and they designated separately the members of the Council of Ministers, comprising seven Greek Cypriots and three Turkish Cypriots. The agreement of the president and vice-president was required for certain decisions and appointments, and they had veto rights, separately or jointly, in respect of certain types of legislation, including foreign affairs. Human rights and fundamental freedoms, as well as the supremacy of the constitution, were guaranteed.

The application of the provisions of the constitution encountered difficulties almost from the birth of the republic and led to a succession of constitutional crises and to accumulating tension between the leaders of the two communities.

On 30 November 1963, the President of the Republic, Archbishop Makarios, publicly set forth 13 points on which he considered that the constitution should be amended. He did so on the stated grounds that the existing constitution created many difficulties in the smooth functioning of the state and the development and progress of the country, that its many sui generis provisions conflicted with internationally accepted democratic principles and created sources of friction between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, and that its effects were causing the two communities to draw further apart rather than closer together.
The president's proposals would have, among other things, abolished the veto power of the president and the vice-president, while having the latter deputize for the president in his absence. The Greek Cypriot president of the House of Representatives and the Turkish Cypriot vice-president would have been elected by the house as a whole and not, as under the constitution, separately by its Greek and Turkish members. The constitutional provisions regarding separate majorities for enactment of certain laws by the House of Representatives would have been abolished, unified municipalities established and the administration of justice and the security forces unified. The proportion of Turkish Cypriots in the public service and the military forces would have been reduced, and the Greek Cypriot Communal Chamber abolished, though the Turkish community would have been able to retain its chamber.

No immediate response was forthcoming from the vice-president to this proposed programme, but the Turkish government, to which the president's proposals had been communicated "for information purposes", rejected them promptly and categorically. Subsequently, the Turkish Cypriot Communal Chamber described the president's claim that the constitution had proved an obstacle to the smooth functioning of the republic as false propaganda and contended that the Greek Cypriots had never attempted to implement the constitution in good faith. The Turkish Cypriots maintained that the structure of the republic rested on the existence of two communities and not of a majority and a minority. They refused to consider the amendments proposed by the other side, which were in their opinion designed to weaken those parts, which recognized the existence of the Turkish Cypriot community as such.

Whatever possibility might have existed at the time for calm and rational discussion of the president's proposals between the two communities disappeared indefinitely with the outbreak of violent disturbances between them a few days later, on 21 December 1963.

In the afternoon of 24 December 1963, the Turkish national contingent, stationed in Cyprus under the Treaty of Alliance and numbering 650 officers and other ranks, left its camp and took up positions at the northern outskirts of Nicosia in the area where disturbances were taking place. On 25 December, the Cyprus government charged that Turkish warplanes had flown at tree-level over Cyprus, and during the next several days there were persistent reports of military concentrations along the southern coast of Turkey and of Turkish naval movements off that coast.

http://www.unficyp.org/nqcontent.cfm?a_ ... ic&lang=l1
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Postby boomerang » Wed Mar 11, 2009 2:19 am

On 30 November 1963, the President of the Republic, Archbishop Makarios, publicly set forth 13 points on which he considered that the constitution should be amended. He did so on the stated grounds that the existing constitution created many difficulties in the smooth functioning of the state and the development and progress of the country, that its many sui generis provisions conflicted with internationally accepted democratic principles and created sources of friction between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, and that its effects were causing the two communities to draw further apart rather than closer together.


Only if Bayarak knew what exactly the above meant we wouldn't be having these problems today...

But then again one rule for one and another for the chosen ones...
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