Cyprus-Forum.com

[DT.]

in a humane solution should the rights of a refugee be less of a priority than those of a settler?

[insan]

in a humane solution should the rights of a refugee be less of a priority than those of a settler?

It should be in favour of refugees as much as possible.

[DT.]

in a humane solution should the rights of a refugee be less of a priority than those of a settler?

It should be in favour of refugees as much as possible.

thankyou.

[insan]

in a humane solution should the rights of a refugee be less of a priority than those of a settler?

It should be in favour of refugees as much as possible.

thankyou.

Ur welcome.

[insan]

CYPRUS

AS I SAW IT IN 1879


by SIR SAMUEL WHITE BAKER, M.A., F.R.S., F.R.S.A.,
F.R.G.S., &c.

Author of "Ismailia," "The Albert N'Yanza," "The Nile Tributaries of
Abyssinia," "Eight Years in Ceylon," "The Rifle and Hound in Ceylon."




CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER I. ARRIVAL AT LARNACA
CHAPTER II. THE GIPSY-VANS ENCOUNTER DIFFICULTIES
CHAPTER III. ROUTE TO NICOSIA
CHAPTER IV. THE MESSARIA
CHAPTER V. START FOR THE CARPAS
CHAPTER VI. CAPE ST. ANDREA
CHAPTER VII. KYRENIA AND THE NORTH COAST
CHAPTER VIII. ROUTE TO BAFFO
CHAPTER IX. FROM BAFFO TO LIMASOL
CHAPTER X. THE WINE DISTRICT OF LIMASOL
CHAPTER XI. FROM LIMASOL TO THE MOUNTAINS
CHAPTER XII. THE MONASTERY OF TROODITISSA
CHAPTER XIII. WOODS AND FORESTS
CHAPTER XIV. REMARKS ON IRRIGATION
CHAPTER XV. LIFE AT THE MONASTERY OF TROODITISSA
CHAPTER XVI. SOMETHING ABOUT TAXATION
CHAPTER XVII. THE DISTRICT OF LIMASOL AND LANDOWNERS
CHAPTER XVIII. ON POLICE, WAGES, FOOD, CLIMATE, ETC.
CHAPTER XIX. POLITICAL REFLECTIONS
CHAPTER XX. CONCLUSION

http://www.archive.org/stream/cyprusasi ... yprs10.txt
(FULL TEXT)

[insan]

Unlike the noble Lord, Lord Caradon, I believe that we must look into the past in order to understand what is likely to be acceptable for any final settlement. I do not intend to delay your Lordships very long with this matter, but I want to mention very briefly five points. First, as stated by the noble Lord, there is the feeling of total insecurity by Turkish Cypriots as the result of the attacks on them in 1963, 1967 and 1974. Secondly, there is the failure of the Government of Cyprus to deal with the refugee problems of the Turkish Cypriots. There have been 25,000 refugees since 1963, and the fact is that that Government refused to supply the building materials required to rehouse those refugees but instead declared the materials to be of strategic importance and therefore prohibited. Thirdly, there is the ruling by the Government of Cyprus in 1964 which stopped the registration of any transfers of land to Turkish Cypriots. 881 Fourthly, there is the breakdown of the Constitution from 1964 onwards and the failure of the Guarantor Powers to prevent that happening. Fifthly, there is the fact that in July 1974 there were five days of brutal massacres of both Turkish and Greek Cypriots by Greek extremists under Sampson before the Turkish Army arrived to stop the fighting.

http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/lord ... 08_HOL_148

[insan]

I do not think that any of us can believe that the present situation in Cyprus can he accepted permanently. Before the Turkish invasion the population of Cyprus consisted of 18 per cent. Turkish Cypriots and 80 per cent. Greek Cypriots, but today that small minority of Turks occupy 40 per cent. of the territory of Cyprus and, indeed, the richest land responsible for 70 per cent. of the total productivity of the island. There have been appalling disturbances and atrocities to families on both sides; they are now refugees turned from their homes. In the case of the Turkish Cypriot refugees, British action led to the return of many of them, first to Turkey and then back to Cyprus, and the Greek Cypriots have since allowed the remaining Turkish refugees to return. The situation is different for the Greek Cypriots, evicted from their homes, in displaced persons' camps and elsewhere, and the 1068 terrible problem of the evicted Greek Cypriots remains. None of them has been allowed to return home and, whatever view we may take of the conflict in Cyprus, none of us can be satisfied that that situation shall continue.

http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/lord ... 14_HOL_480

[insan]

My Lords, it is true that in the 15-odd years during which Cyprus has been independent, the President of the island, Archbishop Makarios, has had one problem after the other in which he has been 958 in extreme difficulty in trying to control certain wild men in Ms midst. To start with there was the leader of EOKA, General Grivas, then certain of his followers who were taking unilateral action against the Turks and who were planning a different solution from that agreed between the three guarantor powers— Britain, Turkey and Greece— in the Zurich agreement. There was a genuine fear in the minds of many Turks that a Cyprus would emerge from the conflict: in which they would have no place. Those fears were fostered by a number of incidents, particularly those of 1963-1964, during which many Turks were killed by extremists on the Greek side, and by a succession of incidents in which it is difficult to say in a few words which side was guilty. One has heard a mass of evidence on both sides, but one can simply conclude that there was communal strife and a large degree of violence which was only with great difficulty scotched by the introduction of United Nations Forces and by the uneasy peace which those Forces imposed on the island for a number of years. I wish, therefore, to preface my remarks by saying that I understand the feelings of the Turkish Cypriots and the grievances which they feel they have nursed for the last decade or so, and the feeling that they have been treated to some extent like second-class citizens. One could argue this for many hours, but this is the way many of them have felt and this is a small part of the background to the present tragedy and one that must be borne in mind.

http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/lord ... 26_HOL_202

[insan]

I would remind your Lordships of three realities which to my mind govern the whole situation. They are these. We as 1083 members of NATO will never accept that occupation of Cyprus will go to a Power outside NATO. Although it has very poor harbours, the island has two very fine airfields. That is the first reality. The second is that Turkey will not accept that the Government or people of Cyprus will work secretly or otherwise for Enosis. So far as I know, the Greek Cypriots have done this during the whole of the British occupation, which has been going on for nearly 80 years.

The third reality is that Turkey is 40 miles from Cyprus—I have seen it from the " panhandle "—whereas Greece is 400 miles away, so Turkey can invade any time she likes, whenever it suits her. None of us can turn out 30,000 or 40,000 troops, with their 50 tanks, and start afresh; we cannot wipe the slate clean. In these three realities we must take account of working towards the lasting solution for which we all pray. Noble Lords should remember that the last attempt lasted for only four years. It has been proved that Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots cannot live mixed up together. I realise that a few educated families can in fact do so, but the bulk of them cannot. Fighting or threats of violence have broken out about four times since 1960. The noble Viscount, Lord Boyd of Merton, said that the time for British intervention as a guarantor Power was 1964, not 1974.

My Lords, it remains to be seen, therefore, whether they can live alongside each other. I am sufficiently optimistic to believe they can. In other words, of the two extremes, Enosis and partition, we are forced now by the Turkish occupation to accept partition. I was very glad to hear the noble Lord, Lord Caradon, in effect say that—at least, I hope I am right in that.

http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/lord ... 14_HOL_488

[insan]

An excellent open library full of scanned books about Cyprus. Very user friendly easy to search and browse.

http://openlibrary.org/search?q=cyprus& ... sncqbxgkup