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How can we solve it? (keep it civilized)

Postby insan » Thu Jan 29, 2009 3:41 am

Divided Cyprus Yazar: Yiannis Papadakis, Nicos Peristianis, Gisela Welz



The invasion by Turkey stopped the miniature civil war between the Greeks in Cyprus, and so it is impossible to say how long it would have gone on, and how many lives would have been lost in it. If the putschists had succeeded in destroying organised resistance quickly, there would undoubtedly have been torture and executions for many months afterwards. There were man) old scores to be settled; and the fighting of that first week had created many new ones. In the area between Paphos and Limassol, where there was strong resistance, the men of the coup are said to have buried some of Makarios' supporters alive, and to have put out the eyes of others.

There is one terrible image of what might have happened in Cyprus, which comes down to us from a much earlier period in Greek history. Thucydides describes the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War, in the year 431 BC. It started in the city-state of Corcyra, the present-day island of Corfu, or Kerkira. as it is called in modern Greek.

... the Corcyrans continued to massacre those of their own citizens they considered to be their enemies. Their victims were accused of conspiring to overthrow the democracy, but in fact men were often killed on grounds of personal hatred or else by their debtors because of the money that they owed. There was death in every shape and form.

And as usually happens in such situations people went to every extreme and beyond it. There were fathers who killed their sons; men were dragged from the temples or butchered on the very altars: and some were actually walled up in the temple of Dionysios and died there . . . To fit in with the change of events, words, too, had to change their usual meanings. What used to be described as a thoughtless act of aggression was now regarded as the courage one would expect to find in a party member: to think of the future and to wait was merely another way of saying one was a coward: any idea of moderation was just an attempt to disguise one's unmanly character: ability to understand a question from all sides meant that one was totally unfitted for action. Fanatical enthusiasm was the mark of a real man, and to plot against an enemy behind his back was perfectly legitimate self-defence. Anyone who held violent opinions could always be trusted, and anyone who objected to them became suspect.

From this, at least, most of the Greek Cypriots were spared. But the cost was very high: the invasion of Cyprus by Turkey, and the loss of many people and much territory in war.


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

From The Heart Grown Bitter (Cambridge University Press, 1981), chapter 4.


www.cyprus-conflict.net/coup-%20'74%20-loizos.htm

http://www.argaki.com/Downloads/The%20W ... 201974.htm

http://books.google.com/books?id=wzPG7b ... &ct=result
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Postby insan » Fri Jan 30, 2009 2:09 am

Constitutionalizing democracy in fractured societies.


Publication: Journal of International Affairs

Publication Date: 22-SEP-04

Author: Issacharoff, Samuel

http://www.accessmylibrary.com/coms2/su ... 379739_ITM

There is a rich political science literature addressing the problem of nation building in complex, divided societies. For John Stuart Mill, democratic governance in fractured societies was a non-starter:

Free institutions are next to impossible in a country made up of different nationalities. Among a people without fellow-feeling, especially if they read and speak different languages, the united public opinion, necessary to the working of representative government, cannot exist. (5)

Subsequent work, however, looked to the national experiences in European countries such as Austria, Belgium, the Netherlands and Switzerland to claim that "consociational structures" could forge a national integration of rival elites and yield a politically stable democracy. (6) In his classic study; Arend Lijphart identified the critical elements of the consociational experiment:

(1) government by a grand coalition of all significant segments; (2) a mutual veto or "concurrent majority" voting rule for some or all issues; (3) proportionality as the principle for allocating political representation, public funds, and civil service positions; (4) considerable autonomy for various segments of the society to govern their internal affairs. (7)

The key to the consociational model is that power will be allocated across competing interests in the society independent of the political process. Thus, elections in consociational democracies can decide which among the candidates of a particular ethnic or racial group will hold an office that was predetermined to be assigned to that particular group. Whether a particular group or interest should hold office is decided outside the electoral process through the formation of what Lijphart terms the "grand coalition." (8)
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Postby insan » Fri Jan 30, 2009 2:42 am

Consociational Democracy and Postconflict Peace. Will Power-SharingInstitutions Increase the Probability of Lasting Peace after Civil War?Helga Malmin Binningsbø∗Department of Sociology and Political Science, Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU)&Centre for the Study of Civil War, International Peace Research Institute, Oslo (PRIO)AbstractCompared to the vast literature on the relationship between political regime and the probability of civil war, relatively little research has addressed the relationship between political regime and rebuilding after civil war. Also, different political institutions have received little attention. My proposition is that postconflict societies need a certain type of political institutions to avoid resuming violence. The consociational, power-sharing democracy consists of four main institutions: a grand coalition, a mutual veto, proportional representation and segmental autonomy.


http://www.statsvitenskap.uio.no/konfer ... ingsbo.pdf
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Postby insan » Fri Jan 30, 2009 2:54 am

Complex Power Sharing and the Centrality of Territorial Self-governance in Contemporary Conflict Settlements
Stefan Wolff Centre for International Crisis Management and Conflict Resolution University of Nottingham [email protected]
Introduction

Self-determination disputes are considered to be among the most intractable, violent,and destructive forms of conflict that societies, states, and the international communityhave had, and continue, to face. This view is empirically correct if one looks at the apparently unending conflicts that have plagued places as diverse as Sri Lanka,northeast India, Kashmir, the Great Lakes Region of Africa, Sudan, the Middle East, andthe Caucasus, among others. The conflicts in these areas have cost millions of lives,displaced multiple more people, wrecked entire national economies for decades, and they seem to be “solution-proof.” Yet, a corrective view to this initially very bleak picture is necessary. Not all self-determination conflicts are violent and destructive: Quebec and Belgium are two cases inpoint, but there was no serious violence in Crimea, Romania, Slovakia, and the Balticstates either despite the highly charged atmosphere between these countries’ majorityand minority populations, nor were the separations of Slovenia from socialist Yugoslavia,of Macedonia from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia or of Montenegro from the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro characterised by the same degree of bloodshed. Not all self-determination conflicts evade solutions either: in Western Europe, Northern Ireland,the Swiss Jura and South Tyrol are clear examples for the possibility of sustainable peace after violent conflict. The region of the Western Balkans, despite many other shortcomings, has not returned to the violence it experienced throughout the 1990s and early 21stcentury. Constitutional arrangements in Aceh (Indonesia), Bougainville (Papua New Guinea), Mindanao (Philippines), and Gagauzia (Moldova), likewise, may not be perfect, but they have provided an institutional setting in which ethnic groups can pursue their self-determination claims by political, non-violent means



http://www.stefanwolff.com/working-papers/tsg.pdf
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Postby insan » Fri Jan 30, 2009 3:18 am

http://reut-institute.org/Data/Uploads/ ... nalism.pdf

Consociationalism

ConceptConsociationalismDefinitionConsociationalism is a form of democracy which seeks to regulate the sharing of power in a state thatcomprises diverse societies (distinct ethnic, religious, national or linguistic groups), by allocating thesegroups collective rights. The executive-power sharing is mainly characterized by proportional.representation, veto rights and segmental autonomy for minority groups.In recent years, it has become a major demand of Israeli ArabsBackground'.Consociationalism stands in contrast to the concept of 'majoritarian democracy1Majoritarian systemscall for the integration of minority groups and the distribution of individual rights solely. However, the.consociationalist approach consists in accommodating minorities, by granting them collective rights:There are four characteristics of Consociationalism2Executive power-sharing – forming a 'grand coalition' with leaders representing all significant.segments of society. The institutional expression of the 'grand coalition' is a multi-party cabinet3.Mutual Veto – giving groups within a state the right to veto the government's decision-making.It will thus be necessary to reach mutual agreement among all parties in the executive4Proportional Representation – enabling groups to be a part of the state's decision-making and.to have their voice heard in the highest instances of policy-makingSegmental Autonomy – giving minority groups the possibility for self-rule within the.boundaries of the stateRather than having a particular structure, Consociationalism could take different forms in different,places5and the division of power between the central government and the autonomous political units varies.
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Postby insan » Fri Jan 30, 2009 3:48 am

Democracy and Conflict Management

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
By
Timothy D. Sisk

August 2003


http://peacestudies.conflictresearch.or ... /?nid=1353

This one is especially dedicated for embryonic apes to read. :lol:



Majority rule can mean majority tyranny. Conflicts that are fought along identity lines in which there is a clear majority and minority (like Sri Lanka, Kosovo, or Northern Ireland) seem especially ill-suited to "normal" majority democracy because parties in conflict expect that political majorities will not respect the rights and interests of minorities. This is especially true when there is an expectation in society that voting will occur along ethnic lines, such that referenda, political parties, and election outcomes will be the outcome of polls that are essentially an "ethnic census."
The persistence of deep divisions. With so many conflicts today fuelled by ethnic or religious ideologies, the core issue over which the war is fought -- exclusively defined ethnic identity is a significant barrier to striking a democratic compromise. When absolute claims for self-determination and independence clash with inflexible positions on territorial integrity, as in Russia/Chechnya, there is little room for compromise on basic principles of democracy as an alternative to war. Democracy requires a basic consensus on a future of living together, which may be absent in many intractable conflicts today.
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Postby insan » Tue Feb 03, 2009 3:59 am

http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2005/jan/0 ... larchives1

From the national archives: Tentative plans for a Cypriot ...

"The threat will not only consist of the Cyprus national guard, Greek national contingent, EOKA B [paramilitary Greek loyalists] ... there will be sizeable elements who will actively oppose us by resorting to guerrilla warfare."

The total strength of "Greek loyal forces" was estimated at 55,000, but "standards of training are poor".


The assessment concluded that three brigades - as many as 15,000 soldiers - would be needed.

Close air support would also be necessary, but added: "Bitter experience has shown us that even a small number of dedicated men from the local population can pin down an inordinately large force for an indefinite period and we might well end up by facing an open-ended and expensive situation, like in Northern Ireland.

"Our chances of ever fully subduing the island as a whole ... must be extremely low."
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Postby insan » Tue Feb 03, 2009 4:50 am

http://www.photius.com/countries/cyprus ... ~1476.html

Citing the Treaty of Guarantee as the basis for its action, Turkey launched its seaborne assault west of Kyrenia on July 20, 1974. About 6,000 men participated in the landing force, which was followed shortly afterwards by about 1,000 paratroopers dropped north of Nicosia. Turkish Cypriot irregulars joined the Turkish regulars in both areas, but they faced fierce opposition from the National Guard. Kyrenia did not come under Turkish control until heavy sea and air bombardment drove out Greek Cypriot troops on the third day of fighting. Meanwhile, Turkish Cypriot enclaves throughout the southern part of the island fell to Greek Cypriot forces. Only in Nicosia was the Turkish Cypriot enclave successfully defended by TMT irregulars, with the aid of the Turkish Air Force.




Although authoritative figures on casualties were not published, it was estimated that Greek Cypriot forces suffered 6,000 casualties, while Turkish-led forces lost 1,500 dead and 2,000 wounded.

Data as of January 1991


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Postby Oracle » Tue Feb 03, 2009 9:00 am

Insan .... You seem power-less at discerning junk from information, and are thus merely increasing our knowledge of you, as an incorrigible pseudo-intellectual.

Anyone can Google information, and perhaps find out a tomato is actually a Fruit. But it takes experience to know (keyword: wisdom), that most people would not want it in their fruit salad, served with cream.

Now, kindly learn that 'less is more', and stop turning a Forum (keyword: debate) into a repository for your scourings.
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Postby insan » Tue Feb 03, 2009 4:09 pm

Oracle wrote:Insan .... You seem power-less at discerning junk from information, and are thus merely increasing our knowledge of you, as an incorrigible pseudo-intellectual.

Anyone can Google information, and perhaps find out a tomato is actually a Fruit. But it takes experience to know (keyword: wisdom), that most people would not want it in their fruit salad, served with cream.

Now, kindly learn that 'less is more', and stop turning a Forum (keyword: debate) into a repository for your scourings.


Yea, truths hurt dear. I'm sure that u wanna hear words that second ur "cause" but there's no such thing in real world. Don't forget that everything is relative but the day majority of CF members from 2 main communities(respectively) object me to post such scientific researches, sociologic books and articles regarding cyprob; I promise u, i'll stop posting such things and go my own way. :wink:

One more "outdated" youtube video.... for u ... :P

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