Cyprus-Forum.com

[Get Real!]

is there a website that does reliable Greek to English translation?

With all the tabs chewed up by the forum's editor and all those digits and dates it doesn't look like it's going to work in a translator...

[Get Real!]

For those interested, I have the details of the first 1,800 odd victims of the Turkish invasion (the ones that were easily identified?), many of which are women and children so it’s NOT pleasant. It would be a very large post too…

[denizaksulu]

What good is this post to those of us who cant read Greek?
Will appreciate if you can translate it to English.

I've just added an explanation of each category in English. There's far too much data for me to translate the personal details of 100 odd people. The Excel file is in Greek so what can I do?

Iceman, they are names, place and date of births and possibly where they lost their lives.

I wonder if these include the ones identified at later dates.GR. The one founfd subsequently and not been previously reported to their families.

[DT.]

For those interested, I have the details of the first 1,800 odd victims of the Turkish invasion (the ones that were easily identified?), many of which are women and children so it’s NOT pleasant. It would be a very large post too…

Start a new thread and post it all here. Perhaps halil, will do us the favour of sending it over to a BRT editor for a special commemorative program about their GC compatriots that died in 74.

[denizaksulu]

For those interested, I have the details of the first 1,800 odd victims of the Turkish invasion (the ones that were easily identified?), many of which are women and children so it’s NOT pleasant. It would be a very large post too…

Start a new thread and post it all here. Perhaps halil, will do us the favour of sending it over to a BRT editor for a special commemorative program about their GC compatriots that died in 74.

Good idea, but for poor Halil. He would get the sack or executed for disseminating info..................

[denizaksulu]

...............and I thought you were friends.

[Kifeas]

is there a website that does reliable Greek to English translation?

Google!
http://www.google.com/language_tools?hl=en

Copy and paste the text you want in the text box, select language as Greek >> English and hit “translate!”

For example, these are the first 5 names from the top of the page.

Ministerial Council Decision No. 12/2000 dated. 4.5.2000 Catalog Fonefthenton (of fallen) prepared for Greek Cypriots and Elladiton (mainlands Greeks) during the coup and Turkish invasion or as a result of the coup and Turkish invasion

PESONTES Resistance against the coup (RESISTANCE)
NAME-SURNAME FATHER NAME COMPANY NAME AND PLACE OF BIRTH DATE PLACE OF RESIDENCE IN 1974 STRATIOTIKOS (MILITARY) or CITIZEN UNIT who served DATE AND PLACE OF DEATH LEIPSANON IDENTIFICATION BY A DNA

1 ALEXANDROY RODOSTHENIS Teachers 10.7.1936 ANARITA ANARITA CITIZEN KOLOSSI 15.7.74
2 KINGDOM ANDREAS IORDANIS 21.5.46 LIMASSOL KAPSALOS LIMASSOL POLICE reserve unit 15.7.74 AREA POLICE HEADQUARTERS
3 VLADIMIROU PANAGIOTIS VLADIMIROS 1.4.1941 AG.THERAPONTA LIMASSOL LIMASSOL ASTYFYLAKAS SPECIAL POLICE FOR SINGLE ILEKTR.STATHMOS LIMASSOL 15.7.74
Georgiou 4 (ASSOS) ATHANASIOS CHRISTOPHER 7.1.1948 AMARGETI PALLOURIOTISSA NICOSIA POLICE ARCHIEPISKOPI ARCHIEPISKOPI 15.7.74
5 GEORGE DIMOSTHENIS GEORGE TOWN PAFOU 8.12.1942 MESA MESA VILLAGE PAFOS ASTYFYLAKAS SPECIAL POLICE ADDRESS PAFOU 8.9.74 MESA VILLAGE

[zan]

Oh That should do it Bafidis...GR the man that knows

Is this list anything like the ones compiled for the total GC dead in which a large number turned out to be TC........The missing GCs that were actually TC

I am also sure that just before the bulldozers covered up the bodies all their names were taken for the record

This list means nothing Bafidis and if that is all it takes to convince you then you are a bigger fool than even GR!!!

[zan]

the UN Security Council on 19 July 1974



Please click to listen to President Makarios' speech

President Makarios: I would like at the outset to express my warmest thanks to the members of the Security Council for the keen interest they have shown in the critical situation created in Cyprus after the coup, which was organised by the military regime of Greece and was put into effect by the Greek officers serving in and commanding the Cyprus National Guard. I am particularly grateful that the Security Council has agreed to postpone its meeting until my arrival here to give me the opportunity of addressing it on the recent dramatic events in Cyprus.

What has been happening in Cyprus since last Monday morning is a real tragedy. The military regime of Greece has callously violated the independence of Cyprus. Without trace of respect for the democratic rights of the Cypriot people, without trace of respect for the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus, the Greek junta has extended its dictatorship to Cyprus. It is indeed a fact that for some time now their intention was becoming obvious. The people of Cyprus had for a long time feeling that a coup by the Greek junta was brewing, and this feeling became more intense during the recent weeks when the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B', directed from Athens, had renewed its wave of violence.

I knew all along that the illegal organisation had its roots and supply resources in Athens. I became aware that the Greek officers staffing and commanding the National Guard were recruiting members for that organisation, and they supported it in various ways to the point of access to the munition supply stores of the National Guard. In the camps of the National Guard, the Greek officers were conducting open propaganda in favour of that illegal organisation and turned the National Guard from an organ of the state into an instrument of subversion. Whenever, from time to time, I complained to Athens about unbecoming conduct by Greek officers of the National Guard, the reply was that if I had concrete evidence in proof thereof those found guilty would be recalled. From the whole tenor of their attitude, I received the unmistakable impression that their standard response was a pretence of innocence. A few days ago documents came into the hands of the Cyprus police clearly proving that 'EOKA B' was an appendage of the Athens regime.

Funds were being remitted from Athens for the upkeep of this organisation and detailed directives regarding its actions were also given to it. I then found it necessary myself to address a letter to the President of the Greek regime, General Gizikis, asking him to give orders for the cessation of the violence and bloodshed by 'EOKA B' and for its dissolution. I also requested him to recall the Greek officers serving with the National Guard, adding that my intention was to reduce the numerical strength of this force and to turn it into an organ of the Cyprus State. I was waiting for a reply. My impression was that the Athens regime did not favour the reduction of the force, much less the withdrawal of the Greek officers.

The Greek Ambassador in Cyprus called on me, on instructions from his Government, in order to explain to me that the decrease in the numerical strength of the National Guard or the withdrawal of the Greek officers would weaken the defence of Cyprus in case of danger from Turkey. This was an argument which, even though it appeared logical, was not convincing because I knew that behind this argument other interests were hidden. I replied that as things developed I consider the danger from Turkey of a lesser degree than the danger from them. And it was proved that my fears were justified.

On Saturday, 13 July, a conference under the presidency of General Gizikis was held in Athens, which lasted for many hours. It was attended by the Greek Chief of Staff of the armed forces, the Ambassador of Greece to Cyprus, the commander of the National Guard with the purpose of discussing the content of my letter. As was stated in a relevant communiqué' issued at the end of this conference, it was to be reconvened on Monday, 15 July. The reference in the communiqué' to a second conference was deceiving. For a while on Monday I was waiting for a reply to my letter, the reply came, and it was the coup.

On that day, I returned from my summerhouse on the Troodos Mountains, where I had spent the weekend, and by 8 a.m. I was at my office at the Presidential Palace. Half an hour later I was welcoming in the reception room a group of boys and girls, members of the Greek Orthodox Youth from Cairo who came to Cyprus as my guests for a five days. Hardly had I greeted them when the first shots were heard. Within seconds the shots became more frequent and a member of the Presidential Guard informed me that armoured cars and tanks had passed the fence and were already in the yard of the Presidential Palace, which was shaking from mortar shells. The situation soon became critical I tried to call the Cyprus radio station for the purpose of issuing a special broadcast announcing that the Presidential Palace was under attack, but I realised that the lines were cut off. Heavy shelling was ever increasing. How my life was saved seemed like a providential miracle. When I eventually found myself in the area of Paphos, I addressed the people of Cyprus from a local radio station informing them that I am alive and that will struggle with them against the dictatorship, which the Greek regime is trying to impose.

I do not intend to occupy the time of the members of the Security Council with my personal adventure. I simply wish to add that during the second day of the armed attack the armoured cars and tanks were moving towards Paphos, while at the same time a small warship of the National Guard began shelling the Bishophric of Paphos where I was staying. Under the circumstances, I found it advisable to leave Cyprus rather than fall into the hands of the Greek junta.

I am grateful to the British Government, which made available a helicopter to pick me up from Paphos, transfer me to the British bases, and from there by plane to Malta and London. I am also grateful to the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and to the Commander of the Peace-Keeping Force in Cyprus for the interest, which they had shown for my safety. My presence in this room of the Security Council was made possible thanks to the help given to me by the British Government and the representatives of the Secretary-General, Dr. Waldheim, whose keen concern for me and for the critical situation which developed in Cyprus moves every fibre of my heart.

I do not know as yet all the details of the Cyprus crisis caused by the Greek military regime. I am afraid that the number of casualties is large and that the material destruction is heavy. What is, however, our primary concern at present is the ending of the tragedy.

When I reached London, I was informed of the content of the speech of the representative of the Greek junta to the United Nations. I was surprised at the way they are trying to deceive world public opinion. Without a blush, the Greek junta is making efforts to simplify the situation, claiming that it is not involved in the armed attack and that the developments of the last few days are an internal matter of the Greek Cypriots.

I do not believe that there are people who accept the allegations of the Greek military regime. The coup did not come about under such circumstances as to he considered an internal matter of the Greek Cypriots. It is clearly an invasion from outside, in flagrant violation of the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus. The so-called coup was the work of the Greek officers staffing and commanding the National Guard. I must also underline the fact that the Greek contingent, composed of 950 officers and men stationed in Cyprus by virtue of the Treaty of Alliance, played a predominant role in this aggressive affair against Cyprus. The capture of the airport outside the capital was carried out by officers and men of the Greek contingent campaign near the airport.

It is enough to state on this point that certain photographs appearing in the world press show armoured vehicles and tanks belonging to the Greek contingent in Cyprus. On the other hand, the Greek officers serving with the National Guard were directing the operations. In these operations, they recruited many members of the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B', whom they armed with weapons of the National Guard.

If the Greek officers serving in the National Guard were not involved, how does one explain the fact that among the casualties in battle were Greek officers whose remains were transported to Greece and buried there? If Greek officers did not carry out the coup, how does one explain the fact of night flights of Greek aircraft transporting to Cyprus personnel in civilian clothes and taking back to Greece dead and wounded men? There is no doubt that the coup was organised by the Greek junta and was carried out by the Greek officers commanding the National Guard and by the officers and men of the Greek contingent stationed in Cyprus - and it was reported as such by the press around the globe.

The coup caused much bloodshed and took a great toll of human lives. It was faced with the determined resistance of the legal security forces and the resistance of the Greek people of Cyprus. I can say with certainty that the resistance and the reaction of the Greek Cypriot people against the conspirators will not end until there is a restoration of their freedom and democratic rights. The Cypriot people will never bow to dictatorship, even though for the moment the brutal force of the armoured cars and tanks may have prevailed.

After the coup, the agents of the Greek regime in Cyprus appointed a well-known gun-man, Nicos Samson as President, who in turn appointed as ministers known elements and supporters of the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B'.

It may be alleged that what took place in Cyprus is a revolution and that a Government was established based on revolutionary law. This is not the case. No revolution took place in Cyprus, which could be considered as an internal matter. It was an invasion, which violated the independence and the sovereignty of the Republic. And the invasion is continuing so long as there are Greek officers in Cyprus. The results of this invasion will be catalytic for Cyprus if there is no return to constitutional normality and if democratic freedoms are not restored.

For the purpose of misleading world public opinion, the military regime of Greece announced yesterday the gradual replacement of the Greek officers of the National Guard. But the issue is not their replacement; the issue is their withdrawal. The gesture of replacement has the meaning of admission that the Greek officers now serving in the National Guard were those who carried out the coup. Those officers, however, did not act on their own initiative but upon instructions from Athens, and their replacements will also follow instructions from the Athens regime. Thus the National Guard will always remain an instrument of the Greek military regime, and I am certain that the members of the Security Council understand this ploy.

It may be said that it was the Cyprus Government, which invited the Greek officers to staff the National Guard. I regret to say that it was a mistake on my part to bestow upon them so much trust and confidence. They abused that trust and confidence and, instead of helping in the defence of the Island's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, they themselves became the aggressors.

I am obliged to say that the policy of the military regime in Greece towards Cyprus, and particularly towards the Greek Cypriots, has been insincere. I wish to stress that it was a policy of duplicity.

For some time talks were going on between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots in search of a peaceful solution to the Cyprus problem, which on many occasions has occupied the time of the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations. The representative of the Secretary General and two constitutional experts from Greece and Turkey have been attending the talks. The Security Council has repeatedly renewed, twice yearly, the mandate of the peace-keeping force in Cyprus, expressing every time hope for a speedy solution of the problem.

It cannot be said that up to now the progress of the talks has been satisfactory. But how could there be any progress in the talks while the policy on Cyprus of the regime in Athens has been double-faced? It was agreed by all the parties concerned that the talks were taking place on the basis of independence. The regime of Athens also agreed to that, and time and again the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs declared that the position of Greece on this issue was clear. If that were the case, why had the military regime of Greece created and supported the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B', whose purpose was stated to be the union of Cyprus with Greece and whose members called themselves 'unionists'?

Inside the camps of the National Guard, the Greek officers continually charged that while Enosis was feasible its realisation was undermined by me. When reminded that Greece had made its position clear on this and that it supported independence, their reply was that no attention should be given to the words of diplomats. Under such circumstances how was it possible for the talks to arrive at a positive result? The double-faced policy of the Greek regime was one of the main obstacles to the progress of the talks.

In the circumstances that have now been created in Cyprus, I cannot foresee the prospects of the talks. I would rather say that there are no prospects at all. An agreement that may be reached by the talks would be devoid of any value because there is no elected leadership to deal with the matter. The coup d'etat of the military regime of Greece constitutes an arrest of the progress of the talks towards a solution.

Moreover, it will be a continuous source of anomaly in Cyprus, the repercussions of which will be very grave and far reaching, if this situation is permitted to continue even for a short time.

I appeal to the members of the Security Council to do their utmost to put an end to this anomalous situation, which was created by the coup of Athens. I call upon the Security Council to use all ways and means at its disposal so that the constitutional order in Cyprus and the democratic rights of the people of Cyprus can be reinstated without delay.

As I have already stated, the events in Cyprus do not constitute an internal matter of the Greeks of Cyprus. The Turks of Cyprus are also affected. The coup of the Greek junta is an invasion, and from its consequences the whole people of Cyprus suffers, both Greeks and Turks. The United Nations has a peace-keeping force stationed in Cyprus. It is not possible for the role of that peace-keeping force to be effective under conditions of a military coup. The Security Council should call upon the military regime of Greece to withdraw from Cyprus the Greek officers serving in the National Guard, and to put an end to its invasion of Cyprus.

I think that, with what I have placed before you, I have given a picture of the situation. I have no doubt that an appropriate decision of the Security Council will put an end to the invasion and restore the violated independence of Cyprus and the democratic rights of the Cypriot people


Just in case you think I made it up.....The man/Devil himself!!!

http://www.cypnet.co.uk/ncyprus/history ... peech.html

[zan]

'When the grave talks'

Revelations in the Greek Cypriot media that another so-called Greek Cypriot missing person actually died on 24 July 1974 exposed the lies of the Greek Cypriot regime once again.

The DNA tests carried out in the Lakadamia cemetery revealed that Costas Menikou was buried in Lakadamia military cemetery in south Cyprus years ago.

Greek Cypriot regime, media and the Greek-Greek Cypriot lobbies in Britain and other countries, for years, used and still is using this humanitarian issue to achieve political gains and trying to get Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots condemned, have been using the so-called missing Greek Cypriots and their families as political pawns since 1974.

With the latest revelations, the Greek Cypriot media who used a picture of Costas Menikou to claim that he was a captive of Turkey, tried to cover up their deliberate misinformation by claiming that the picture used was someone who looked like Costas Menikou.

Fileleftheros, a Greek Cypriot newspaper reported that Costas Menikou, who was a sergeant in a Greek Cypriot commando unit, died on 24 July 1974 and was buried in the Lakadamia cemetery.

Cyprus Mail, taking extracts from Politis, another Greek Cypriot newspaper reported:

"POLITIS: 'When the grave talks'. As Costas Menikou's family is preparing a burial service for him in Melbourne, the paper said it had discovered that the Service for Missing Persons knew that he was dead and buried in a military cemetery in Nicosia years ago. They did not announce the fact to his family, who live Australia, and lived in hope that their long lost son might one day return from captivity."

Unlike the Greek Cypriot side, Turkish Cypriot side has never used the issue of the Turkish Cypriot missing to make any political gains. Their families admit that they were killed by the Greeks-Greek Cypriots long time ago. Their mothers, unlike the Greek Cypriot ones do not dress all in black carrying pictures and pretending that their sons are still alive. However we do not blame these people, after all they are lied to by their own political leaders, who actually caused the Cyprus tragedy.

Blame for the on going lies and the suffering it causes to the families of these people falls on the Greek Cypriot regime and their supporters in the EU, which unfortunately contains some British MPs and MEPs.

The right thing to do is, the Greek Cypriot side should tell their people that their loved ones died long time ago. Above all they should tell their own people and the rest of the world how many of these so-called Greek Cypriot missing was actually killed by the Greek soldiers and the Greek Cypriot terrorist during the coup against Makarios that took place on 15 July 1974 in the name of Greek desire for Enosis (union with Greece), the main cause of Cyprus problem.

Makarios himself, during his speech at the UN on 19 July 1974, a day before Turkey intervened, said that the casualties caused by the Greek Junta's coup were very high. Some European sources put this around 3000.