they are proud of this - they are PROUD of it ...
Geriye doğru yürüyoruz...Bunların tekrarlamasını istermisin Kıbrıslı Türkler???
T/Cs do you remember??
T/Cs do you remember??
by xxNilxx » Thu May 29, 2008 1:22 am
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Mu745mZcZaw they are proud of this - they are PROUD of it ...
Geriye doğru yürüyoruz...Bunların tekrarlamasını istermisin Kıbrıslı Türkler???
they are proud of this - they are PROUD of it ...
Geriye doğru yürüyoruz...Bunların tekrarlamasını istermisin Kıbrıslı Türkler???
Last edited by xxNilxx on Thu May 29, 2008 1:30 am, edited 2 times in total.
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xxNilxx - Contributor
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by Get Real! » Thu May 29, 2008 2:05 am
Sovereign Bodies: Citizens, Migrants, and States in the Postcolonial World - p.105-107
by Thomas Blom Hansen, Finn Stepputat
106 Yael Navaro-Yashin
Now, Turkish-Cypnots still speak of what they call "the spirit of the TMT" as metaphor for the culture of politics in northern Cyprus. The old guerrilla fighters arc now leaders and members of the administration, more than forty years onward after the formation of the TMT. There is still a taboo around discussing the culture of terror inflicted by the TMT on its own subjects, the Turkish-Cypriots- And in official representations (in the administration's newspapers and in propaganda speeches delivered in national ceremonies, school textbooks, and programs on TV), TMT fighters are represented as "heroes" who saved Turkish-Cypriots from being exterminated by the Greek-Cypriots. If this interpretation is partially accepted by Turkish-Cypriots, it is also complicated, by most who are not associated with the establishment, in spaces where people feel they can speak their mind. In the most intimate encounters, among close friends and family, people tell stories "of Turkish-Cypriots murdered by the TMT," commonly speculating whether their "martyred" relatives may have been assassinated by the TMT and not, as officially claimed, by EOKA or by Greek-Cypriots. Numerous stories are circulated in private quarters about TMT atrocities against its own subjects, the Turkish-Cypriots.
Cemil, who was bom around the time when the TMT was created, said:
The system that has, to this day. continued to govern this country is the TMT system. The TMT was founded in 1958 and started to administer the Turkish-Cypriots. Even the postal service was in TMT hands in the period of enclaves between 1963 and 1974. Now we have the continuation of that administration, only under a different name, the "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus."
The spirit of 1958 still haunts us. People who have grown under this system learned to be discrete, to watch their words and speech.
I never learned to be this way; this is why they sacked me from a number of jobs. Somebody heard that I was saying something critical about the administration to somebody else. And that was the end of that.
"The TMT spirit" could be studied and analyzed as the political unconscious of Turkish-Cypriots. With the old guerrilla-fighters still in power, if in civilian or administrative garb, and offshoots of the old organizational circuits springing up under new names, the TMT is alive not only as a culture of politics but also as actual and implemented political organization. But when Turkish-Cypriots refer to what they call "the TMT spirit' they are referring to the culture of terror, tacit fear, and enforced secrecy that was the order of the day at the height of conflict with Greek-Cypriots, between 1963 and 1974, a culture of politics that has remained as practice and precipitation since.
by Thomas Blom Hansen, Finn Stepputat
106 Yael Navaro-Yashin
Now, Turkish-Cypnots still speak of what they call "the spirit of the TMT" as metaphor for the culture of politics in northern Cyprus. The old guerrilla fighters arc now leaders and members of the administration, more than forty years onward after the formation of the TMT. There is still a taboo around discussing the culture of terror inflicted by the TMT on its own subjects, the Turkish-Cypriots- And in official representations (in the administration's newspapers and in propaganda speeches delivered in national ceremonies, school textbooks, and programs on TV), TMT fighters are represented as "heroes" who saved Turkish-Cypriots from being exterminated by the Greek-Cypriots. If this interpretation is partially accepted by Turkish-Cypriots, it is also complicated, by most who are not associated with the establishment, in spaces where people feel they can speak their mind. In the most intimate encounters, among close friends and family, people tell stories "of Turkish-Cypriots murdered by the TMT," commonly speculating whether their "martyred" relatives may have been assassinated by the TMT and not, as officially claimed, by EOKA or by Greek-Cypriots. Numerous stories are circulated in private quarters about TMT atrocities against its own subjects, the Turkish-Cypriots.
Cemil, who was bom around the time when the TMT was created, said:
The system that has, to this day. continued to govern this country is the TMT system. The TMT was founded in 1958 and started to administer the Turkish-Cypriots. Even the postal service was in TMT hands in the period of enclaves between 1963 and 1974. Now we have the continuation of that administration, only under a different name, the "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus."
The spirit of 1958 still haunts us. People who have grown under this system learned to be discrete, to watch their words and speech.
I never learned to be this way; this is why they sacked me from a number of jobs. Somebody heard that I was saying something critical about the administration to somebody else. And that was the end of that.
"The TMT spirit" could be studied and analyzed as the political unconscious of Turkish-Cypriots. With the old guerrilla-fighters still in power, if in civilian or administrative garb, and offshoots of the old organizational circuits springing up under new names, the TMT is alive not only as a culture of politics but also as actual and implemented political organization. But when Turkish-Cypriots refer to what they call "the TMT spirit' they are referring to the culture of terror, tacit fear, and enforced secrecy that was the order of the day at the height of conflict with Greek-Cypriots, between 1963 and 1974, a culture of politics that has remained as practice and precipitation since.
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Get Real! - Forum Addict
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by Get Real! » Thu May 29, 2008 2:08 am
A former guerilla, Savalas Bey gave an account of the culture of politics spread through the TMT:
107
I joined the Organization at the age of eighteen. During the day, I used to work in the village cooperative. But in the nights, I used to leave home and go underground. There was secrecy then. You couldn't tell anything even to your mother or father. My old man was a bit slow. One time, two times, he didn't understand what I was up to. But one night, again he saw me returning home very late. He asked me: "What are you up to?" "I was tying the donkey to the tree," I told him. When he saw that I kept returning late, he got mad. I was married then. I realized this wouldn't work. I spoke with my wife; I said to her, "Look, I am in the Organization, that's why I am constantly going out at night. But don't tell anybody, or they would have me killed." My wife went to my parents and told them I need to work in the cooperative at night and everyone locked their mouths. They never asked me anything again. Anyway, our language was coded then; we spoke with passwords so nobody would understand.
People almost viseerally remember the fear instigated by the TMT. Pembe Hanim, in her sixties, said:
The TMT came to our village and made a "guerrilla" out of every thief and idle man. These men became the leaders of the TMT in our village- We used to be afraid of both Greeks and Turks.
The TMT spread fear amongst us; that fear remains. They killed many Turks, you know.
For example, they killed the husband of our neighbor Behice Hanim who was a policeman in the British bases. One night the TMT came to his house and said he should leave the gate to the bases open for them to go in and smuggle guns. But if he were to hide this from his British employers, he would be left without a job, so of course he told the British. The following day, the TMT called him up to the village square. There they beat him up violently. His bones were broken. He was practically lynched. He died soon after.
If subjects of the administration in northern Cyprus speak of the endurance of "the TMT spirit," that culture of fear they refer to with periodical lynchings and terrorization is relatively less intense today than it was at the height of conflict. The difference is that people have become used to being administered under such a system and have been inhabiting its culture of politics
107
I joined the Organization at the age of eighteen. During the day, I used to work in the village cooperative. But in the nights, I used to leave home and go underground. There was secrecy then. You couldn't tell anything even to your mother or father. My old man was a bit slow. One time, two times, he didn't understand what I was up to. But one night, again he saw me returning home very late. He asked me: "What are you up to?" "I was tying the donkey to the tree," I told him. When he saw that I kept returning late, he got mad. I was married then. I realized this wouldn't work. I spoke with my wife; I said to her, "Look, I am in the Organization, that's why I am constantly going out at night. But don't tell anybody, or they would have me killed." My wife went to my parents and told them I need to work in the cooperative at night and everyone locked their mouths. They never asked me anything again. Anyway, our language was coded then; we spoke with passwords so nobody would understand.
People almost viseerally remember the fear instigated by the TMT. Pembe Hanim, in her sixties, said:
The TMT came to our village and made a "guerrilla" out of every thief and idle man. These men became the leaders of the TMT in our village- We used to be afraid of both Greeks and Turks.
The TMT spread fear amongst us; that fear remains. They killed many Turks, you know.
For example, they killed the husband of our neighbor Behice Hanim who was a policeman in the British bases. One night the TMT came to his house and said he should leave the gate to the bases open for them to go in and smuggle guns. But if he were to hide this from his British employers, he would be left without a job, so of course he told the British. The following day, the TMT called him up to the village square. There they beat him up violently. His bones were broken. He was practically lynched. He died soon after.
If subjects of the administration in northern Cyprus speak of the endurance of "the TMT spirit," that culture of fear they refer to with periodical lynchings and terrorization is relatively less intense today than it was at the height of conflict. The difference is that people have become used to being administered under such a system and have been inhabiting its culture of politics
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Get Real! - Forum Addict
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by Get Real! » Thu May 29, 2008 2:13 am
Echoes from the Dead Zone: Across the Cyprus Divide By Yiannis Papadakis p.196- 197
BETRAYAL
'My father was a farmer. We were doing OK until 1963 when the killings broke out. I was only a boy then, feeling so afraid the Rums would kill us. The Green Line was drawn, the land was divided and my father's land, our fields, had become "the other side".' Jemal's eyes dampened as he spoke of how his father was killed. Jemal was in his late thirties, and he invited me to his house to talk and to meet his children:
My father was a stubborn man. 'So what, I have been going there all my life, who will stop me now? Anyway, all the Rums around are my friends,' So he kept on going there. The TMT came to our house and told us that he should stop. The new 'law' was no working on the other side- no relations, no trade, no nothing with the Rums. And, of course, no speaking Greek among ourselves. But my father was stubborn like a donkey. He kept on going. One day a Rum friend of my father took him aside and cautioned him. 'Don't come here any more. It's too dangerous. I don't know if I can help you if anything goes wrong.' He said that his own son had taken arms and joined the groups fighting against us. My father would not listen. 'I only fear God, nothing else,' he said and kept on going.
One day the TMT came to our house again. 'Hey Mustafa, come with us. we just want to talk,' they called and he went. Late in the night I heard my mother's screams, like a dog was being slaughtered. My father came back with his face alt broken and bloody. 'It's nothing,' he said, 'I fell on a doorstep.' But later he told Ihe family what had happened. I only found out after many years that they had beaten him with his head covered. One day five months later, my father did not come back from the fields. We started searching. First his dog was found, the one he used to take with him out in the fields. Then his body. The TMT came at once. 'You see, we told him not to go there.' They even told us the name of the killer. He was a Rum who drove a lorry. Bui later, when I was around sixteen perhaps, I began to hear things. That he was not killed by the Rums. That TMT killed him. But I refused to believe them. It was impossible to believe them.
I joined the TMT as soon as I was allowed to carry a gun because I hated Rums so much. I don't know what made me change later. I think it was two things, the university and the war in 1974.
He went on:
In 1974 i understood what TMT really meant. When the Rums attacked us and my friend right next to me was injured, none of those brave TMT guys came to help. It was confusion in the war, the Rums were attacking us in the village and we had explosives stored all around us. I kept calling for help to carry them away, otherwise we would all get blown up, but they just sat there talking or giving orders. They were so scared they were going crazy, saying all kinds of things that just came into their heads. Like one said: 'Let us dig a big hole underground and hide the women and children there.' You know Yianni, it's not impossible that some of the mass graves of Turkish Cypriots from 1974 were created like that, by a lunacy that someone like him came up with.
After the war I went to university. In Turkey I started to see things differently and hear other things from Turkish Cypriot students around me. And then one day I went back to our house. Now I had to know. 'Why didn't you tell me that my father was killed by the TMT? That so and so killed him?' It was like a bomb fell in the house. Everybody froze. 'For us the issue is closed,' my uncle said. 'It's not good to talk about these things, it's not safe,' my mother said. In the beginning they didn't want to talk about it, but when they realized that I knew everything they told me what happened.
How a TMT man killed my father under orders, how other Turkish Cypriots were killed by TMT and were later declared 'martyrs', as if they had been killed by Rums. And how the TMT even came to tell us the name of the killer, who was not the real killer.
That way they could kill two birds with one stone. Say that my father was killed by a Rum and make us take revenge and create more animosity. From then on I couldn't stand the TMT. I felt ashamed for having been one of them, and for being so nationalist in the past. Many people were killed by TMT but people still pretend that they don't know, even though everyone does. The worst thing was to grow up thinking that your father was killed by the Rums and then find out.
Can you understand how I felt, Yianni?
BETRAYAL
'My father was a farmer. We were doing OK until 1963 when the killings broke out. I was only a boy then, feeling so afraid the Rums would kill us. The Green Line was drawn, the land was divided and my father's land, our fields, had become "the other side".' Jemal's eyes dampened as he spoke of how his father was killed. Jemal was in his late thirties, and he invited me to his house to talk and to meet his children:
My father was a stubborn man. 'So what, I have been going there all my life, who will stop me now? Anyway, all the Rums around are my friends,' So he kept on going there. The TMT came to our house and told us that he should stop. The new 'law' was no working on the other side- no relations, no trade, no nothing with the Rums. And, of course, no speaking Greek among ourselves. But my father was stubborn like a donkey. He kept on going. One day a Rum friend of my father took him aside and cautioned him. 'Don't come here any more. It's too dangerous. I don't know if I can help you if anything goes wrong.' He said that his own son had taken arms and joined the groups fighting against us. My father would not listen. 'I only fear God, nothing else,' he said and kept on going.
One day the TMT came to our house again. 'Hey Mustafa, come with us. we just want to talk,' they called and he went. Late in the night I heard my mother's screams, like a dog was being slaughtered. My father came back with his face alt broken and bloody. 'It's nothing,' he said, 'I fell on a doorstep.' But later he told Ihe family what had happened. I only found out after many years that they had beaten him with his head covered. One day five months later, my father did not come back from the fields. We started searching. First his dog was found, the one he used to take with him out in the fields. Then his body. The TMT came at once. 'You see, we told him not to go there.' They even told us the name of the killer. He was a Rum who drove a lorry. Bui later, when I was around sixteen perhaps, I began to hear things. That he was not killed by the Rums. That TMT killed him. But I refused to believe them. It was impossible to believe them.
I joined the TMT as soon as I was allowed to carry a gun because I hated Rums so much. I don't know what made me change later. I think it was two things, the university and the war in 1974.
He went on:
In 1974 i understood what TMT really meant. When the Rums attacked us and my friend right next to me was injured, none of those brave TMT guys came to help. It was confusion in the war, the Rums were attacking us in the village and we had explosives stored all around us. I kept calling for help to carry them away, otherwise we would all get blown up, but they just sat there talking or giving orders. They were so scared they were going crazy, saying all kinds of things that just came into their heads. Like one said: 'Let us dig a big hole underground and hide the women and children there.' You know Yianni, it's not impossible that some of the mass graves of Turkish Cypriots from 1974 were created like that, by a lunacy that someone like him came up with.
After the war I went to university. In Turkey I started to see things differently and hear other things from Turkish Cypriot students around me. And then one day I went back to our house. Now I had to know. 'Why didn't you tell me that my father was killed by the TMT? That so and so killed him?' It was like a bomb fell in the house. Everybody froze. 'For us the issue is closed,' my uncle said. 'It's not good to talk about these things, it's not safe,' my mother said. In the beginning they didn't want to talk about it, but when they realized that I knew everything they told me what happened.
How a TMT man killed my father under orders, how other Turkish Cypriots were killed by TMT and were later declared 'martyrs', as if they had been killed by Rums. And how the TMT even came to tell us the name of the killer, who was not the real killer.
That way they could kill two birds with one stone. Say that my father was killed by a Rum and make us take revenge and create more animosity. From then on I couldn't stand the TMT. I felt ashamed for having been one of them, and for being so nationalist in the past. Many people were killed by TMT but people still pretend that they don't know, even though everyone does. The worst thing was to grow up thinking that your father was killed by the Rums and then find out.
Can you understand how I felt, Yianni?
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Get Real! - Forum Addict
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by Get Real! » Thu May 29, 2008 2:15 am
Hostage to History: Cyprus from the Ottomans to Kissinger By Christopher Hitchens p.46
5. Though the Turkish Cypriot terrorist group Volkan was founded in 1955, and carried out many lethal attacks on civilians, very few members of it were ever tried, let alone punished by the British crown.
In contrast, numerous supporters of the Greek Cypriot EOKA were hanged and hundreds more imprisoned. The British trained an exclusively Turkish mobile reserve to combat EOKA and employed many more Turks in the police and auxiliary forces. Members of these echelons were involved with Volkan, which later changed its name to the Turkish Defence Force or TMT. In a celebrated case in 1958, a Turk, Sergeant Tuna, was convicted of possessing bombs and ammunition by a British court. The good sergeant, unlike his Greek counterparts, was allowed bail in his own recognizance and left immediately for Turkey.
5. Though the Turkish Cypriot terrorist group Volkan was founded in 1955, and carried out many lethal attacks on civilians, very few members of it were ever tried, let alone punished by the British crown.
In contrast, numerous supporters of the Greek Cypriot EOKA were hanged and hundreds more imprisoned. The British trained an exclusively Turkish mobile reserve to combat EOKA and employed many more Turks in the police and auxiliary forces. Members of these echelons were involved with Volkan, which later changed its name to the Turkish Defence Force or TMT. In a celebrated case in 1958, a Turk, Sergeant Tuna, was convicted of possessing bombs and ammunition by a British court. The good sergeant, unlike his Greek counterparts, was allowed bail in his own recognizance and left immediately for Turkey.
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Get Real! - Forum Addict
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by Get Real! » Thu May 29, 2008 2:17 am
Hostage to History: Cyprus from the Ottomans to Kissinger By Christopher Hitchens p. 47
Imperial favouritism towards the Turks did not 'work', in the sense that it did not succeed in crushing the Greek Cypriot rebellion. Nor did any policy succeed in this impossible objective. But it did succeed in damaging intercommunal relations very severely and perhaps permanently. It is important to remember that before 1955 there was no history of internal viciousness in Cyprus.
The island had been aptly described as 'an ethnographical fruit cake in which the Greek and Turkish currants were mixed up in every town and village and almost in every street'. In spite of political clashes over the future of Cyprus, the Cypriots never had to endure the bitter, venomous, protracted hostility that was the experience of religious and national struggle in Crete and other islands warring on the Ottomans. Even during the First World War. with Britain and Greece on one side and Turkey on the other, there was no analogous hostility between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. It was only when Turks put on British uniforms to oppose a popular movement that they were shot at by Greeks. And even after that, it took some time before people resorted to the final obscenity of killing people just because they were Greek or Turkish.
Imperial favouritism towards the Turks did not 'work', in the sense that it did not succeed in crushing the Greek Cypriot rebellion. Nor did any policy succeed in this impossible objective. But it did succeed in damaging intercommunal relations very severely and perhaps permanently. It is important to remember that before 1955 there was no history of internal viciousness in Cyprus.
The island had been aptly described as 'an ethnographical fruit cake in which the Greek and Turkish currants were mixed up in every town and village and almost in every street'. In spite of political clashes over the future of Cyprus, the Cypriots never had to endure the bitter, venomous, protracted hostility that was the experience of religious and national struggle in Crete and other islands warring on the Ottomans. Even during the First World War. with Britain and Greece on one side and Turkey on the other, there was no analogous hostility between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. It was only when Turks put on British uniforms to oppose a popular movement that they were shot at by Greeks. And even after that, it took some time before people resorted to the final obscenity of killing people just because they were Greek or Turkish.
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