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What the Greek Cypriots lost with the ‘no’

How can we solve it? (keep it civilized)

Postby Bananiot » Sun Apr 24, 2005 9:52 pm

I bid you goodnight now, with Youli Taki's view on the subject. I think it is very appropriate:

ONE year on and Greek Cypriot society has yet to come to terms with the outcome of the referendum. Ambiguity and a lack of clarity predominate in conditions where sloganeering is substituted for real dialogue and debate. Of course this ambiguity has advantages. It has been common for many within our political elite to lay claim to the 76 per cent ‘no’ vote, in doing so hoping to win easy recognition of the moral superiority of their argument.

In short, the magic figure of 76 per cent is used as a crude political weapon which, it is assumed, confers legitimacy on those who seek to claim it as their own personal property. What is ignored is the obvious fact that the 76 per cent ‘no’ vote was neither homogeneous nor registered under ordinary circumstances.

There is a differentiation to be made between four general types of ‘no’ voters. Firstly, there were those who rejected a bizonal bicommunal federation.

Secondly, there were those who accepted a federal solution but wished to establish conditions where there would be no onerous regulations regarding the freedom of establishment, the purchase of property, the exercise of political rights and any issue that may be classified under the rubric of fundamental rights and freedoms. This category of voter generally accepted bizonality but not bicommunality. They were voters who rejected the principle of political equality since the removal of such regulations can only guarantee a Turkish Cypriot state in the north and the principle of political equality only in the short term. A third category was that identified by AKEL in its recommendation of April 10 last year. This bloc accepted a bizonal bicommunal federation, and all that this entailed, but sought to strengthen provisions of the Plan relating to security and implementation. A fourth category of voters appeared simply confused, an outcome of the poor information and frequently abusive political dialogue that was a hallmark of the period.

Considering that for decades the bizonal bicommunal federation had formed the agenda of the international community and the common objective of Greek Cypriots along with the traditional opposition in Turkish Cypriot society, then the following may be concluded. Confronted with a choice in the future, the first two categories of voters would opt for an agenda that cannot be fulfilled. A second best option for these voters may be negotiated partition. It has not been uncommon to hear such voters stating that unless their preconditions are met then they would rather see a wall built from one end of the island to the other.

The third category of ‘no’ voters potentially shares the agenda of the ‘yes’. Those who voted ‘yes’ would be unlikely to turn away from possible improvements on the security aspects of the solution. Finally, those who voted against the plan on the basis of being confused and therefore chose the safe option constitute the key constituency. Neither fundamentally for or against the Plan as such, they will decide the future. But on what basis will that decision be taken?

There is one fundamental discussion that has been and continues to be blocked at every turn and which reflects badly on society as a whole – we have yet to clarify what a bizonal bicommunal federation actually means.

Neither have the consequences which flow from this position been adequately explored. Failure to do this has created circumstances in which the Annan Plan has yet to be compared with our official position and the likely form a solution would necessarily take. This has created conditions within which it is almost impossible to evaluate those criticisms directed against the Plan and distinguish between those which are driven by a genuine effort to improve the proposed bizonal bicommunal federation and those which, by clear implication reject such a solution as a whole.

The responsibility for these continuing circumstances weighs largely on the shoulders of AKEL. Its decision at the referendum clarified that the Party was asking for the postponement of the referendum for two reasons. First there was a need for changes in relation to issues of security, implementation and for addressing other gaps. Secondly, it took issue with the inadequate quality of information that had reached the citizens.

According to Christofias, a vacuum was created while the party and others were still considering the Plan. This vacuum was “exploited by exponents of the ‘no’ ‘who presented in the darkest way the negative and only aspects of the Plan. There was hyperbola, distortion and misinformation.” According to this perspective, the public had been subjected to propaganda launched by those who “mobilised the negative aspects of the plan and used them as a pretext for firing against the federal solution itself. Nationalists of every colour found the opportunity to pour again the poison of nationalism-chauvinism.”

Under the circumstances, AKEL’s position was both rational and clearly put. Having made an evaluation of public sentiment, the party sought to secure the conditions under which approval of the plan would be forthcoming.

Twelve months on, the anarchic debate that evolved prior to the referendum has not been infused with new content. It does not appear that AKEL is particularly concerned to pursue the logic of the position adopted at the referendum. Quite the opposite, it remains silent in the face of “nationalism-chauvinism” and has failed to aid that significant part of the population who remain confused.

Where severe tensions have been experienced over the past year, these have been directly related to the absence of clarity, consistency and openness in public debate and party positions. Despite appearances, the real source of conflict has not been over whether we should publicise the changes we wish to bring to the plan. That issue has only served to obscure more substantive questions to be addressed. Just how far do we accept our own official position reiterated over many years? How far has this been something to which we have only paid lip service? In the absence of confronting these issues head on, we continue to cultivate a culture of non-commitment, neither committed to a bizonal bicommunal federation nor to negotiated partition. It is this that is the underlying source of conflict and deep polarisation within Greek Cypriot society which also contributes to unproductive tensions between the two major communities on the island.
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Postby Bananiot » Sun Apr 24, 2005 9:55 pm

Goodnight to fair Loughborough too. I remember spending a day there back in 1975.
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Postby Piratis » Sun Apr 24, 2005 10:00 pm

Do you include the AKEL sheep in this %?

Sheep exist in all parties. Less educated people trust some others. Should all of those others be bought by the Americans to support the Turkish/British/American interests instead of the Cypriot ones? Fortunately most people that command sheep were not bought. Thats the difference between a party with 80 years tradition of offering to this country, and a party made up by the capitalists and industrialists who care only about the money.
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Postby Viewpoint » Sun Apr 24, 2005 10:04 pm

Bananiot
Viewpoint, sure enough there are many Piratis's in our society but you might like to know, there are many Bananiots too. Perhaps it was a miracle we got 24% of the vote last year, given the mass hysteria against solution.


I hope so, but do not hold out much hope with your side adopting a more flexible approach towards showing a positive stance towards the TC community that would help them view certain issues in a more positive light thus eleviate real concerns they have with regards to GCs hidden agenda, which is stoked by the ramblings of individuals like Piratis and MicAtCyp, who are so anti TCs to a degree its insulting, and warrants the need for boarders and the Turkish Army. Can you imagine how they would view the TC community if we had no army protection or boarders??? sends shivers down my spine.
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Re: What the Greek Cypriots lost with the ‘no’

Postby magikthrill » Sun Apr 24, 2005 10:09 pm

More Turkish settlers coming to Cyprus


WHy would this be a negative since Annan legalizes the settlers anyway? Besides I dont think more settlers will comin since in case of reunification they will have to go (most recent ones)

The departure of not a single Turkish solder


As opposed to the departure of a few Turkish soldiers?

The EU vindicating Turkey for having done everything possible for a solution


Seein as CYprus is part of the EU this is not very accurate

Tourists are allowed to fly into Larnaca and holiday in the north


This has been happening since the Green Line opened no? And tourists have been flying directly into the north for years. So now they get to stop in the south too

The construction boom in the north on Greek Cypriot properties.


He said the Greek Cypriot side’s reputation had also suffered abroad. “No one understands us in the international arena,” he said. “Two years ago, everyone respected the efforts of the government at that time to do everything possible for a solution. Now everyone abroad has the view that we have no solution because the Greek Cypriot is side is not helping in this direction.”


I think as time passes by governments are starting to respect the GCs opinion (I'm guessing after these people actually udnerstood what the Annan plan entailed)
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Postby Piratis » Sun Apr 24, 2005 10:10 pm

Viewpoint, so anti - TC are the ones who want democracy and human rights for everybody ah?

And you, that you want the continuation of the violation of our human rights are not anti GC?
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Postby Viewpoint » Sun Apr 24, 2005 10:24 pm

Piratis
Viewpoint, so anti - TC are the ones who want democracy and human rights for everybody ah?

And you, that you want the continuation of the violation of our human rights are not anti GC?


Your true concern is property nothing more nothing less, you use democracy and human rights as a means to an end.

Answer me this question, how do you expect us to overcome our mistrust for GCs?????if we could resolve this issue I personally think other issues would be much easier to solve.

The current negative stance of your administration does nothing to build trust cant you see its having the opposite effect, how do you expect us to improve on this issue, we have lived in our own country be it recognised or not for 31 years, its not easy to open up to a community which we have a very bad history with and do not trust at all.
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Postby cannedmoose » Sun Apr 24, 2005 10:40 pm

Bananiot wrote:Goodnight to fair Loughborough too. I remember spending a day there back in 1975.


:lol: :lol: I doubt it's changed much re (apart from the university), only been here for 1.5 years myself. Still like one big suburb.
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