Cyprus-Forum.com

[Piratis]

Piratis

If we wanted to find who has the most blame then obviously the one who started it all, and then who caused the most harm and for the most time would be the one with the most share of blame. But as I said our aim is not to appropriate blame because we do not seek to punish anybody, or gain on the loss of another. But if you want to go back to appropriate blame then you should at least do it in the right way.

I will not respond to this as we appear to be going around in circles but ı will say that my aim is not to apportion blame but to learn from the past and take the necessary precautions to ensure that we do not repeat the same mistakes.

And what are these mistakes you are talking about? I would be very glad if you indeed didn't want to repeat the same mistakes, but apparently what you want is to repeat of more of the same and to continue be the pawns of Turkey and UK in Cyprus, with the hope that those foreign powers will reward you on the expense of the rest of Cypriots for helping them secure their interests on our island.

We shouldn't forget the past but the lessons we get from the past should be right ones.
An extremist GCs could come to the conclusion that in order to have peace in Cyprus and for Cypriots to gain their safety and rights, that 100s of thousands of TCs should be ethnically cleansed from Cyprus. Sure, that would solve the problem of GCs, it would also make GCs richer by gaining on TCs lands. So maybe all GCs should support this "solution"? I think you would agree with me that such thing is not a solution.
Similarly an extremist TC can support a "solution" based on the ethnic cleansing of 100s of thousands of GCs, which would give to those TCs more land and power than what belongs to them. I hope you would agree with me that this is not a solution either.

Piratis look, you keep churning over the same lines, how do you know for sure that if the shoe was on the other foot the GCs would not have used their power to eradicate us from the island, surely you cannot turn a blind eye today to how we were treated in the past, there are many ways to get rid of a population and from 1963 onwards GCs were using many of them, where were you then, no one was demanding equality for all citizens only because it was the TCs who were in the fire not the GCs. Military strength wise we have the upper hand and you know it so you have to argue your viewpoint that we did bad but you never ask why? You caused the current divide just as much as I did, so as we have said the blame is not on one side.

First of all we never tried to "eradicate" TCs in any kind of way. There was a conflict in the 60s, just like there was in the 50s, and a few 100s of people from both sides died. If you dispute this fact I can provide to you with numbers from independent sources that show that the ratio between TCs and GCs remained the same between 1960 and 1973. So please stop repeating this myth.

About the blame, yes, both sides have some share of blame, but it doesn't mean it is equal, especially when it comes to the division which has been the official Turkish aim since the 50s and continues to be today.

You can't expect to achieve peace by ethnically cleansing people, stealing their lands and violating their human and democratic rights. If thats what you think, then you didn't learn any lessons from the past.

This argument does not hold water as we TCs show on this forum that we are prepared to sort out our differences and resolve an outstanding problem, the division will remain until we agree on a comprehensive solution, this isn't very difficult to understand.

But the "comprehensive solution" that you demand is division. You accept nothing else.

The solution is human rights for all, democracy and equality among all citizens without racist discriminations.

Will you be arguing so strongly when TCs are discriminated against or when we go to a government office to obtain our rights and find no one takes any interest, when my child cannot find a job because they do not speak Greek, or when the government decides to black list Turkey and not allow trade, or when I am visit the ECHR to obtain my basic rights, or when the seats in parliament have been filled by GC MPs, where will you be then laughing at my expense me thinks.

I never asked that any of your rights should be violated. You are the one who insists on violating mine, and you have no excuse to do that.

All your rights can be protected with a constitution that will not be able to change without your approval. We are more than willing to discuss any safeguard you want, as long as those safeguards are not used as an excuse to violate the rights of the rest of Cypriots.

VP, in a country those who are equal are the citizens. Dividing citizens along ethnic lines, and giving to some citizens proportionally more power than others is somehting racist.
In Switzerland the citizens of each canton own the great majority of the land of their canton. They didn't create their canton by stealing land and ethnically cleansing others. The TCs are an ethnic minority like every other ethnic minority that exists in almost every other country. They don't own a separate part of the country and they can't expect to own one by stealing it from others and ethnically cleansing its native people. TCs have to learn to live as equal Cypriot citizens, and stop trying to take land that does not belong to them in order to form a separate entity there.

There are examples around the world where the ruling structure is divided along ethnic lines, over time where trust and understanding takes hold the need for these precautions reduces but for now we do have any trust for each other specific safeguards have to be put in place that will not allow one community to dominate the other.

Again you churn out the cleansing issue, you contributed to this so you should also be asking yourself why you made so many mistakes and disregarded a large section of your population.

And what are those countries you are talking about?
And stop telling me that I contributed to any ethnic cleansing. Thats just a fantasy. Yes, we contributed in a conflict between 1957 and 1968, where each side lost some 100s of people, but not in the ehtnic cleansing.

I might sometimes react in kind to the hate propaganda that is thrown against us, I admit that. But why would I want to fuel hate? To gain what? It is your aim, partition, which is served with hate, not mine which is one united Cyprus with equal Cypriot citizens. So why would I want to fuel hate?

That's why I am trying to point out that you do promote hate and this may not be what you want or work in favor of your goal as you prove that we cannot agree anything with people who are despot and have very rigid opinions, who see our community as second class and therefore should have less rights than their own.

Your view of a united Cyprus with equal citizens is based on GC majority dominance.

On the contrary what I want is a free Cyprus without any despots and without first class and second class citizens, but where all citizens are equal regardless of ethnic background. If you have a problem that the great majority of this island are Greek Cypriots then you have the right to move to another country. You don't have the right to ethnically cleanse people and impose Ottoman style divisions between high class Muslims and low class Christians, just because you can't accept the very simple fact that you are a minority on this island.

Your viewpoint it is somehting I know very well already. It is the arrogant extremist position I described above: "Lets ethnically cleanse 100s of thousands of people, lets gain power and land on their loss, and everything would be great for us".
As I told you a GC extremist could say the same things as you say. He could also claim that after centuries of being prosecuted and oppressed by the Turks and after being unable to cooperate with them, the "solution" and a required "safeguard" would be to ethnically cleanse 100s of thousands of them, and take their land and their proportion of power. If you look at the "solution" in this one sided way, which safeguards yourself to the 100% and gives you gains, while at the same time you are taking away the rights and lands of others, then the result will be more of the same, and not a real and permanent solution.

This argument is invalid as we do not know what you would do if you have the military might. You might have carried out the annihilation of the TCs as stated by the coupists who support your goal of enosis.

VP, all these theories remind a thread Get Real! started some time ago:
The “Might have” Vs the “Did do”
You can't accuse us of what you imagine we would have done. If it was like that I would be able to convict anybody I wanted. It doesn't work that way.

What is wrong is that you want to safeguard and benefit yourself by ethnically cleansing others, stealing their lands and violating their rights. Maybe we should also say that after suffering from the Turks nonstop for centuries, the "solution" should be to ethnically cleanse the TCs from Cyprus so we will finally have peace and safety? The invasion happened just 34 years ago, and the occupation happens today. Non of these would happen if there were no TCs in Cyprus. So should the solution be to ethnically cleanse TCs from Cyprus as a safeguard that what happened 34 years ago and what is happening today will never happen again? I am sure you agree with me that this is not a solution, even though it would solve the problem of GCs, and it would make GCs much

Who knows if you have the military capacity I am sure you would have attempted to carry out what you claim above, this makes me feel that I am right in wanting the Turkish army to continue protecting us as the undertones you convey are very real and without them who knows what position we would be in if were alive to tell the tale.

The safeguards are imperative to a solution otherwise TCs will not agree to anything and the north can become part of Turkey 100%, this way everyone loses but we can all say we did it together, we will not be a minority in a purely GC ruled country, noway.

If we ever have the military capacity do to such things then believe me, you would be much safer being our compatriot with whom we live in peace togehter and have common interests, rather than be the enemy who occupies one third of our country.

And I repeat: I have no problem with safeguards for you. What I have a problem with is using safeguard as an excuse to violate our rights and steal our land.

[Piratis]

Have you asked yourself why the GCs support a united Cyprus?is it because they love TCs? or is it the land and power? you would be very naive to think it is the former. Why do you think the TCs prefer a divided Cyprus, is it land or, mistrust, safety and self rule?

The GCs support a united Cyprus for the simple reason that the whole of Cyprus is their homeland for 1000s of years. And yes, we want our own lands back. What is wrong is not people to want their homeland back, what is wrong is illegally denying it to them.
As far as power goes, why in a united Cyprus we would have more power? On the contrary in a united Cyprus you would get your fair share of power, and that would mean less power for us, not more.

Most TCs want division because that means more land for them than in a united Cyprus. But in TCs case this land that they want to keep is not theirs, and that is certainly wrong. As far as "self-rule" goes, I wonder how Kerynia, Famagusta and the northern part of Cyprus as a whole falls within your separate "self-rule", when it belongs to us by 82%.

[humanist]

VP, in a country those who are equal are the citizens. Dividing citizens along ethnic lines, and giving to some citizens proportionally more power than others is somehting racist.
In Switzerland the citizens of each canton own the great majority of the land of their canton. They didn't create their canton by stealing land and ethnically cleansing others. The TCs are an ethnic minority like every other ethnic minority that exists in almost every other country. They don't own a separate part of the country and they can't expect to own one by stealing it from others and ethnically cleansing its native people. TCs have to learn to live as equal Cypriot citizens, and stop trying to take land that does not belong to them in order to form a separate entity there.

That is a concept very difficult for some people to understand Piratis no matter how simple it is. The reasons vary.

[Viewpoint]

you can be Turkish Cypriot all yu like just don't deny me my rights of return to my homeland.

As per your previous post to where I was in 1963. The answer is this I am 39 years old now VP do your math and you see where I was. But I was around in 1974 and very close to it all. Infact I bet my bottom dollar that I was closer to every bomb that Turkey dropped than you were.

I don't expect you people to understand but can you at least for once be respectful.

When have I been disrespectful? you are free to return to your homeland tomorrow you are the one who chooses not to.

I wish I could return to my land VP. It's been sold through a dodgy title deed. I can't return to my father's house. There's a displaced member of the northern community there who's been given another type of dodgy deed. I can't go and live in my father-law's house cos there's a settler from RoT there with another dubious deed.

.. and do you know the funny thing, my family left Cy between 1949 and 1952. We had nothing to do with the nonsenses of 58-60, or of 63-65 or of 74!

So thanks a lot for the advice, for the invitation to return but I think I'm f----d!

No, that's not true I should say I've been f....d!

Bill outside of living in your family home (which one I am sure we will resolve) you are free to come live in the TRNC, the the barrier you face is more psychological than anything else. There are many GCs who have rented homes in Kyrenia and do live here without hinderence.

[zan]

The Speech by Makarios Delivered before
the UN Security Council on 19 July 1974





President Makarios: I would like at the outset to express my warmest thanks to the members of the Security Council for the keen interest they have shown in the critical situation created in Cyprus after the coup, which was organised by the military regime of Greece and was put into effect by the Greek officers serving in and commanding the Cyprus National Guard. I am particularly grateful that the Security Council has agreed to postpone its meeting until my arrival here to give me the opportunity of addressing it on the recent dramatic events in Cyprus.

What has been happening in Cyprus since last Monday morning is a real tragedy. The military regime of Greece has callously violated the independence of Cyprus. Without trace of respect for the democratic rights of the Cypriot people, without trace of respect for the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus, the Greek junta has extended its dictatorship to Cyprus. It is indeed a fact that for some time now their intention was becoming obvious. The people of Cyprus had for a long time feeling that a coup by the Greek junta was brewing, and this feeling became more intense during the recent weeks when the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B', directed from Athens, had renewed its wave of violence.

I knew all along that the illegal organisation had its roots and supply resources in Athens. I became aware that the Greek officers staffing and commanding the National Guard were recruiting members for that organisation, and they supported it in various ways to the point of access to the munition supply stores of the National Guard. In the camps of the National Guard, the Greek officers were conducting open propaganda in favour of that illegal organisation and turned the National Guard from an organ of the state into an instrument of subversion. Whenever, from time to time, I complained to Athens about unbecoming conduct by Greek officers of the National Guard, the reply was that if I had concrete evidence in proof thereof those found guilty would be recalled. From the whole tenor of their attitude, I received the unmistakable impression that their standard response was a pretence of innocence. A few days ago documents came into the hands of the Cyprus police clearly proving that 'EOKA B' was an appendage of the Athens regime.

Funds were being remitted from Athens for the upkeep of this organisation and detailed directives regarding its actions were also given to it. I then found it necessary myself to address a letter to the President of the Greek regime, General Gizikis, asking him to give orders for the cessation of the violence and bloodshed by 'EOKA B' and for its dissolution. I also requested him to recall the Greek officers serving with the National Guard, adding that my intention was to reduce the numerical strength of this force and to turn it into an organ of the Cyprus State. I was waiting for a reply. My impression was that the Athens regime did not favour the reduction of the force, much less the withdrawal of the Greek officers.

The Greek Ambassador in Cyprus called on me, on instructions from his Government, in order to explain to me that the decrease in the numerical strength of the National Guard or the withdrawal of the Greek officers would weaken the defence of Cyprus in case of danger from Turkey. This was an argument which, even though it appeared logical, was not convincing because I knew that behind this argument other interests were hidden. I replied that as things developed I consider the danger from Turkey of a lesser degree than the danger from them. And it was proved that my fears were justified.

On Saturday, 13 July, a conference under the presidency of General Gizikis was held in Athens, which lasted for many hours. It was attended by the Greek Chief of Staff of the armed forces, the Ambassador of Greece to Cyprus, the commander of the National Guard with the purpose of discussing the content of my letter. As was stated in a relevant communiqué' issued at the end of this conference, it was to be reconvened on Monday, 15 July. The reference in the communiqué' to a second conference was deceiving. For a while on Monday I was waiting for a reply to my letter, the reply came, and it was the coup.

On that day, I returned from my summerhouse on the Troodos Mountains, where I had spent the weekend, and by 8 a.m. I was at my office at the Presidential Palace. Half an hour later I was welcoming in the reception room a group of boys and girls, members of the Greek Orthodox Youth from Cairo who came to Cyprus as my guests for a five days. Hardly had I greeted them when the first shots were heard. Within seconds the shots became more frequent and a member of the Presidential Guard informed me that armoured cars and tanks had passed the fence and were already in the yard of the Presidential Palace, which was shaking from mortar shells. The situation soon became critical I tried to call the Cyprus radio station for the purpose of issuing a special broadcast announcing that the Presidential Palace was under attack, but I realised that the lines were cut off. Heavy shelling was ever increasing. How my life was saved seemed like a providential miracle. When I eventually found myself in the area of Paphos, I addressed the people of Cyprus from a local radio station informing them that I am alive and that will struggle with them against the dictatorship, which the Greek regime is trying to impose.

I do not intend to occupy the time of the members of the Security Council with my personal adventure. I simply wish to add that during the second day of the armed attack the armoured cars and tanks were moving towards Paphos, while at the same time a small warship of the National Guard began shelling the Bishophric of Paphos where I was staying. Under the circumstances, I found it advisable to leave Cyprus rather than fall into the hands of the Greek junta.

I am grateful to the British Government, which made available a helicopter to pick me up from Paphos, transfer me to the British bases, and from there by plane to Malta and London. I am also grateful to the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and to the Commander of the Peace-Keeping Force in Cyprus for the interest, which they had shown for my safety. My presence in this room of the Security Council was made possible thanks to the help given to me by the British Government and the representatives of the Secretary-General, Dr. Waldheim, whose keen concern for me and for the critical situation which developed in Cyprus moves every fibre of my heart.

I do not know as yet all the details of the Cyprus crisis caused by the Greek military regime. I am afraid that the number of casualties is large and that the material destruction is heavy. What is, however, our primary concern at present is the ending of the tragedy.

When I reached London, I was informed of the content of the speech of the representative of the Greek junta to the United Nations. I was surprised at the way they are trying to deceive world public opinion. Without a blush, the Greek junta is making efforts to simplify the situation, claiming that it is not involved in the armed attack and that the developments of the last few days are an internal matter of the Greek Cypriots.

I do not believe that there are people who accept the allegations of the Greek military regime. The coup did not come about under such circumstances as to he considered an internal matter of the Greek Cypriots. It is clearly an invasion from outside, in flagrant violation of the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus. The so-called coup was the work of the Greek officers staffing and commanding the National Guard. I must also underline the fact that the Greek contingent, composed of 950 officers and men stationed in Cyprus by virtue of the Treaty of Alliance, played a predominant role in this aggressive affair against Cyprus. The capture of the airport outside the capital was carried out by officers and men of the Greek contingent campaign near the airport.

It is enough to state on this point that certain photographs appearing in the world press show armoured vehicles and tanks belonging to the Greek contingent in Cyprus. On the other hand, the Greek officers serving with the National Guard were directing the operations. In these operations, they recruited many members of the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B', whom they armed with weapons of the National Guard.

If the Greek officers serving in the National Guard were not involved, how does one explain the fact that among the casualties in battle were Greek officers whose remains were transported to Greece and buried there? If Greek officers did not carry out the coup, how does one explain the fact of night flights of Greek aircraft transporting to Cyprus personnel in civilian clothes and taking back to Greece dead and wounded men? There is no doubt that the coup was organised by the Greek junta and was carried out by the Greek officers commanding the National Guard and by the officers and men of the Greek contingent stationed in Cyprus - and it was reported as such by the press around the globe.

The coup caused much bloodshed and took a great toll of human lives. It was faced with the determined resistance of the legal security forces and the resistance of the Greek people of Cyprus. I can say with certainty that the resistance and the reaction of the Greek Cypriot people against the conspirators will not end until there is a restoration of their freedom and democratic rights. The Cypriot people will never bow to dictatorship, even though for the moment the brutal force of the armoured cars and tanks may have prevailed.

After the coup, the agents of the Greek regime in Cyprus appointed a well-known gun-man, Nicos Samson as President, who in turn appointed as ministers known elements and supporters of the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B'.

It may be alleged that what took place in Cyprus is a revolution and that a Government was established based on revolutionary law. This is not the case. No revolution took place in Cyprus, which could be considered as an internal matter. It was an invasion, which violated the independence and the sovereignty of the Republic. And the invasion is continuing so long as there are Greek officers in Cyprus. The results of this invasion will be catalytic for Cyprus if there is no return to constitutional normality and if democratic freedoms are not restored.

For the purpose of misleading world public opinion, the military regime of Greece announced yesterday the gradual replacement of the Greek officers of the National Guard. But the issue is not their replacement; the issue is their withdrawal. The gesture of replacement has the meaning of admission that the Greek officers now serving in the National Guard were those who carried out the coup. Those officers, however, did not act on their own initiative but upon instructions from Athens, and their replacements will also follow instructions from the Athens regime. Thus the National Guard will always remain an instrument of the Greek military regime, and I am certain that the members of the Security Council understand this ploy.

It may be said that it was the Cyprus Government, which invited the Greek officers to staff the National Guard. I regret to say that it was a mistake on my part to bestow upon them so much trust and confidence. They abused that trust and confidence and, instead of helping in the defence of the Island's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, they themselves became the aggressors.

I am obliged to say that the policy of the military regime in Greece towards Cyprus, and particularly towards the Greek Cypriots, has been insincere. I wish to stress that it was a policy of duplicity.

For some time talks were going on between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots in search of a peaceful solution to the Cyprus problem, which on many occasions has occupied the time of the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations. The representative of the Secretary General and two constitutional experts from Greece and Turkey have been attending the talks. The Security Council has repeatedly renewed, twice yearly, the mandate of the peace-keeping force in Cyprus, expressing every time hope for a speedy solution of the problem.

It cannot be said that up to now the progress of the talks has been satisfactory. But how could there be any progress in the talks while the policy on Cyprus of the regime in Athens has been double-faced? It was agreed by all the parties concerned that the talks were taking place on the basis of independence. The regime of Athens also agreed to that, and time and again the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs declared that the position of Greece on this issue was clear. If that were the case, why had the military regime of Greece created and supported the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B', whose purpose was stated to be the union of Cyprus with Greece and whose members called themselves 'unionists'?

Inside the camps of the National Guard, the Greek officers continually charged that while Enosis was feasible its realisation was undermined by me. When reminded that Greece had made its position clear on this and that it supported independence, their reply was that no attention should be given to the words of diplomats. Under such circumstances how was it possible for the talks to arrive at a positive result? The double-faced policy of the Greek regime was one of the main obstacles to the progress of the talks.

In the circumstances that have now been created in Cyprus, I cannot foresee the prospects of the talks. I would rather say that there are no prospects at all. An agreement that may be reached by the talks would be devoid of any value because there is no elected leadership to deal with the matter. The coup d'etat of the military regime of Greece constitutes an arrest of the progress of the talks towards a solution.

Moreover, it will be a continuous source of anomaly in Cyprus, the repercussions of which will be very grave and far reaching, if this situation is permitted to continue even for a short time.

I appeal to the members of the Security Council to do their utmost to put an end to this anomalous situation, which was created by the coup of Athens. I call upon the Security Council to use all ways and means at its disposal so that the constitutional order in Cyprus and the democratic rights of the people of Cyprus can be reinstated without delay.

As I have already stated, the events in Cyprus do not constitute an internal matter of the Greeks of Cyprus. The Turks of Cyprus are also affected. The coup of the Greek junta is an invasion, and from its consequences the whole people of Cyprus suffers, both Greeks and Turks. The United Nations has a peace-keeping force stationed in Cyprus. It is not possible for the role of that peace-keeping force to be effective under conditions of a military coup. The Security Council should call upon the military regime of Greece to withdraw from Cyprus the Greek officers serving in the National Guard, and to put an end to its invasion of Cyprus.

I think that, with what I have placed before you, I have given a picture of the situation. I have no doubt that an appropriate decision of the Security Council will put an end to the invasion and restore the violated independence of Cyprus and the democratic rights of the Cypriot people

[zan]

The Speech by Makarios Delivered before
the UN Security Council on 19 July 1974





President Makarios: I would like at the outset to express my warmest thanks to the members of the Security Council for the keen interest they have shown in the critical situation created in Cyprus after the coup, which was organised by the military regime of Greece and was put into effect by the Greek officers serving in and commanding the Cyprus National Guard. I am particularly grateful that the Security Council has agreed to postpone its meeting until my arrival here to give me the opportunity of addressing it on the recent dramatic events in Cyprus.

What has been happening in Cyprus since last Monday morning is a real tragedy. The military regime of Greece has callously violated the independence of Cyprus. Without trace of respect for the democratic rights of the Cypriot people, without trace of respect for the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus, the Greek junta has extended its dictatorship to Cyprus. It is indeed a fact that for some time now their intention was becoming obvious. The people of Cyprus had for a long time feeling that a coup by the Greek junta was brewing, and this feeling became more intense during the recent weeks when the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B', directed from Athens, had renewed its wave of violence.

I knew all along that the illegal organisation had its roots and supply resources in Athens. I became aware that the Greek officers staffing and commanding the National Guard were recruiting members for that organisation, and they supported it in various ways to the point of access to the munition supply stores of the National Guard. In the camps of the National Guard, the Greek officers were conducting open propaganda in favour of that illegal organisation and turned the National Guard from an organ of the state into an instrument of subversion. Whenever, from time to time, I complained to Athens about unbecoming conduct by Greek officers of the National Guard, the reply was that if I had concrete evidence in proof thereof those found guilty would be recalled. From the whole tenor of their attitude, I received the unmistakable impression that their standard response was a pretence of innocence. A few days ago documents came into the hands of the Cyprus police clearly proving that 'EOKA B' was an appendage of the Athens regime.

Funds were being remitted from Athens for the upkeep of this organisation and detailed directives regarding its actions were also given to it. I then found it necessary myself to address a letter to the President of the Greek regime, General Gizikis, asking him to give orders for the cessation of the violence and bloodshed by 'EOKA B' and for its dissolution. I also requested him to recall the Greek officers serving with the National Guard, adding that my intention was to reduce the numerical strength of this force and to turn it into an organ of the Cyprus State. I was waiting for a reply. My impression was that the Athens regime did not favour the reduction of the force, much less the withdrawal of the Greek officers.

The Greek Ambassador in Cyprus called on me, on instructions from his Government, in order to explain to me that the decrease in the numerical strength of the National Guard or the withdrawal of the Greek officers would weaken the defence of Cyprus in case of danger from Turkey. This was an argument which, even though it appeared logical, was not convincing because I knew that behind this argument other interests were hidden. I replied that as things developed I consider the danger from Turkey of a lesser degree than the danger from them. And it was proved that my fears were justified.

On Saturday, 13 July, a conference under the presidency of General Gizikis was held in Athens, which lasted for many hours. It was attended by the Greek Chief of Staff of the armed forces, the Ambassador of Greece to Cyprus, the commander of the National Guard with the purpose of discussing the content of my letter. As was stated in a relevant communiqué' issued at the end of this conference, it was to be reconvened on Monday, 15 July. The reference in the communiqué' to a second conference was deceiving. For a while on Monday I was waiting for a reply to my letter, the reply came, and it was the coup.

On that day, I returned from my summerhouse on the Troodos Mountains, where I had spent the weekend, and by 8 a.m. I was at my office at the Presidential Palace. Half an hour later I was welcoming in the reception room a group of boys and girls, members of the Greek Orthodox Youth from Cairo who came to Cyprus as my guests for a five days. Hardly had I greeted them when the first shots were heard. Within seconds the shots became more frequent and a member of the Presidential Guard informed me that armoured cars and tanks had passed the fence and were already in the yard of the Presidential Palace, which was shaking from mortar shells. The situation soon became critical I tried to call the Cyprus radio station for the purpose of issuing a special broadcast announcing that the Presidential Palace was under attack, but I realised that the lines were cut off. Heavy shelling was ever increasing. How my life was saved seemed like a providential miracle. When I eventually found myself in the area of Paphos, I addressed the people of Cyprus from a local radio station informing them that I am alive and that will struggle with them against the dictatorship, which the Greek regime is trying to impose.

I do not intend to occupy the time of the members of the Security Council with my personal adventure. I simply wish to add that during the second day of the armed attack the armoured cars and tanks were moving towards Paphos, while at the same time a small warship of the National Guard began shelling the Bishophric of Paphos where I was staying. Under the circumstances, I found it advisable to leave Cyprus rather than fall into the hands of the Greek junta.

I am grateful to the British Government, which made available a helicopter to pick me up from Paphos, transfer me to the British bases, and from there by plane to Malta and London. I am also grateful to the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and to the Commander of the Peace-Keeping Force in Cyprus for the interest, which they had shown for my safety. My presence in this room of the Security Council was made possible thanks to the help given to me by the British Government and the representatives of the Secretary-General, Dr. Waldheim, whose keen concern for me and for the critical situation which developed in Cyprus moves every fibre of my heart.

I do not know as yet all the details of the Cyprus crisis caused by the Greek military regime. I am afraid that the number of casualties is large and that the material destruction is heavy. What is, however, our primary concern at present is the ending of the tragedy.

When I reached London, I was informed of the content of the speech of the representative of the Greek junta to the United Nations. I was surprised at the way they are trying to deceive world public opinion. Without a blush, the Greek junta is making efforts to simplify the situation, claiming that it is not involved in the armed attack and that the developments of the last few days are an internal matter of the Greek Cypriots.

I do not believe that there are people who accept the allegations of the Greek military regime. The coup did not come about under such circumstances as to he considered an internal matter of the Greek Cypriots. It is clearly an invasion from outside, in flagrant violation of the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus. The so-called coup was the work of the Greek officers staffing and commanding the National Guard. I must also underline the fact that the Greek contingent, composed of 950 officers and men stationed in Cyprus by virtue of the Treaty of Alliance, played a predominant role in this aggressive affair against Cyprus. The capture of the airport outside the capital was carried out by officers and men of the Greek contingent campaign near the airport.

It is enough to state on this point that certain photographs appearing in the world press show armoured vehicles and tanks belonging to the Greek contingent in Cyprus. On the other hand, the Greek officers serving with the National Guard were directing the operations. In these operations, they recruited many members of the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B', whom they armed with weapons of the National Guard.

If the Greek officers serving in the National Guard were not involved, how does one explain the fact that among the casualties in battle were Greek officers whose remains were transported to Greece and buried there? If Greek officers did not carry out the coup, how does one explain the fact of night flights of Greek aircraft transporting to Cyprus personnel in civilian clothes and taking back to Greece dead and wounded men? There is no doubt that the coup was organised by the Greek junta and was carried out by the Greek officers commanding the National Guard and by the officers and men of the Greek contingent stationed in Cyprus - and it was reported as such by the press around the globe.

The coup caused much bloodshed and took a great toll of human lives. It was faced with the determined resistance of the legal security forces and the resistance of the Greek people of Cyprus. I can say with certainty that the resistance and the reaction of the Greek Cypriot people against the conspirators will not end until there is a restoration of their freedom and democratic rights. The Cypriot people will never bow to dictatorship, even though for the moment the brutal force of the armoured cars and tanks may have prevailed.

After the coup, the agents of the Greek regime in Cyprus appointed a well-known gun-man, Nicos Samson as President, who in turn appointed as ministers known elements and supporters of the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B'.

It may be alleged that what took place in Cyprus is a revolution and that a Government was established based on revolutionary law. This is not the case. No revolution took place in Cyprus, which could be considered as an internal matter. It was an invasion, which violated the independence and the sovereignty of the Republic. And the invasion is continuing so long as there are Greek officers in Cyprus. The results of this invasion will be catalytic for Cyprus if there is no return to constitutional normality and if democratic freedoms are not restored.

For the purpose of misleading world public opinion, the military regime of Greece announced yesterday the gradual replacement of the Greek officers of the National Guard. But the issue is not their replacement; the issue is their withdrawal. The gesture of replacement has the meaning of admission that the Greek officers now serving in the National Guard were those who carried out the coup. Those officers, however, did not act on their own initiative but upon instructions from Athens, and their replacements will also follow instructions from the Athens regime. Thus the National Guard will always remain an instrument of the Greek military regime, and I am certain that the members of the Security Council understand this ploy.

It may be said that it was the Cyprus Government, which invited the Greek officers to staff the National Guard. I regret to say that it was a mistake on my part to bestow upon them so much trust and confidence. They abused that trust and confidence and, instead of helping in the defence of the Island's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, they themselves became the aggressors.

I am obliged to say that the policy of the military regime in Greece towards Cyprus, and particularly towards the Greek Cypriots, has been insincere. I wish to stress that it was a policy of duplicity.

For some time talks were going on between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots in search of a peaceful solution to the Cyprus problem, which on many occasions has occupied the time of the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations. The representative of the Secretary General and two constitutional experts from Greece and Turkey have been attending the talks. The Security Council has repeatedly renewed, twice yearly, the mandate of the peace-keeping force in Cyprus, expressing every time hope for a speedy solution of the problem.

It cannot be said that up to now the progress of the talks has been satisfactory. But how could there be any progress in the talks while the policy on Cyprus of the regime in Athens has been double-faced? It was agreed by all the parties concerned that the talks were taking place on the basis of independence. The regime of Athens also agreed to that, and time and again the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs declared that the position of Greece on this issue was clear. If that were the case, why had the military regime of Greece created and supported the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B', whose purpose was stated to be the union of Cyprus with Greece and whose members called themselves 'unionists'?

Inside the camps of the National Guard, the Greek officers continually charged that while Enosis was feasible its realisation was undermined by me. When reminded that Greece had made its position clear on this and that it supported independence, their reply was that no attention should be given to the words of diplomats. Under such circumstances how was it possible for the talks to arrive at a positive result? The double-faced policy of the Greek regime was one of the main obstacles to the progress of the talks.

In the circumstances that have now been created in Cyprus, I cannot foresee the prospects of the talks. I would rather say that there are no prospects at all. An agreement that may be reached by the talks would be devoid of any value because there is no elected leadership to deal with the matter. The coup d'etat of the military regime of Greece constitutes an arrest of the progress of the talks towards a solution.

Moreover, it will be a continuous source of anomaly in Cyprus, the repercussions of which will be very grave and far reaching, if this situation is permitted to continue even for a short time.

I appeal to the members of the Security Council to do their utmost to put an end to this anomalous situation, which was created by the coup of Athens. I call upon the Security Council to use all ways and means at its disposal so that the constitutional order in Cyprus and the democratic rights of the people of Cyprus can be reinstated without delay.

As I have already stated, the events in Cyprus do not constitute an internal matter of the Greeks of Cyprus. The Turks of Cyprus are also affected. The coup of the Greek junta is an invasion, and from its consequences the whole people of Cyprus suffers, both Greeks and Turks. The United Nations has a peace-keeping force stationed in Cyprus. It is not possible for the role of that peace-keeping force to be effective under conditions of a military coup. The Security Council should call upon the military regime of Greece to withdraw from Cyprus the Greek officers serving in the National Guard, and to put an end to its invasion of Cyprus.

I think that, with what I have placed before you, I have given a picture of the situation. I have no doubt that an appropriate decision of the Security Council will put an end to the invasion and restore the violated independence of Cyprus and the democratic rights of the Cypriot people

[Kikapu]

So? we are just as much Turkish as we are Cypriot is what you state a threat?, if it is its water off a ducks back, we will go back to our roots and you will lose 37% of Cyprus forever.

Forever is a very long time for you to be certain of anything VP. Remember, time does not stand still and chances will occur.!! But just to make sure that you can read the future, can you tell us with certainty what events will happen in Cyprus next week.?? You get that one right, and then I might go along with your "forever" predictions.!!

The staleamate will continue and both sides will just go about their daily lives.

The above is not a prediction of an event...........more like a national pastime.

Nice try VP for not making any meaningful predictions.

Give us some predictions on the meeeting that is due to take place on March 21st between Talat and Christofias.!!

[Viewpoint]

So? we are just as much Turkish as we are Cypriot is what you state a threat?, if it is its water off a ducks back, we will go back to our roots and you will lose 37% of Cyprus forever.

Forever is a very long time for you to be certain of anything VP. Remember, time does not stand still and chances will occur.!! But just to make sure that you can read the future, can you tell us with certainty what events will happen in Cyprus next week.?? You get that one right, and then I might go along with your "forever" predictions.!!

The staleamate will continue and both sides will just go about their daily lives.

The above is not a prediction of an event...........more like a national pastime.

Nice try VP for not making any meaningful predictions.

Give us some predictions on the meeeting that is due to take place on March 21st between Talat and Christofias.!!

They will meet lots of pictures will be taken and everyone will talk in a positive climate but nothing will come of it, I would be very surprised if anything did as neither side will commit the GCs have to much to lose another NO will be their downfall and TCs will stall to show everyone that an agreement cannot be reached therefore isolation should be relaxed.

[wallace]

There is no isolation. TC's can go and stand wherever they like in Cyprus. They have the same rights as the GC's. You are allowed to trade through the recognised RoC. The pseudo state is not recognised....that's a total different story. But then again.....it's not recognised by any country in the world. The settlers are supported by Turkey and Turkey is also recognised by all countries. So define isolation please

[Oracle]

So? we are just as much Turkish as we are Cypriot is what you state a threat?, if it is its water off a ducks back, we will go back to our roots and you will lose 37% of Cyprus forever.

Forever is a very long time for you to be certain of anything VP. Remember, time does not stand still and chances will occur.!! But just to make sure that you can read the future, can you tell us with certainty what events will happen in Cyprus next week.?? You get that one right, and then I might go along with your "forever" predictions.!!

The staleamate will continue and both sides will just go about their daily lives.

The above is not a prediction of an event...........more like a national pastime.

Nice try VP for not making any meaningful predictions.

Give us some predictions on the meeeting that is due to take place on March 21st between Talat and Christofias.!!

They will meet lots of pictures will be taken and everyone will talk in a positive climate but nothing will come of it, I would be very surprised if anything did as neither side will commit the GCs have to much to lose another NO will be their downfall and TCs will stall to show everyone that an agreement cannot be reached therefore isolation should be relaxed.

Viewpoint with delusions of "grandeur" echoing Ecevit with his declaration on 2nd July 1974 "... Kyrenia will now remain forever Turkish"...

A common pastime of the megalomaniac Turk ... invade, ethnically cleanse, declare possession forever ...

Legalities are not observed nor respected in their Expansionist ideology ...