First of all does everyone know what EOKA stands for?
National Organization of Cypriot Fighters.
EOKA is in no way related to Greece. SO what is this national referring to? Guesses anyone?
MicAtCyp wrote:In my opinion the reason EOKA got so wide support among the GC population was EXACTLY because they wanted their liberation from the British. If you do a good search you will see how the British were oppressing every aspect of life of the Cypriots, and were actually holding back any efforts for development. Even the leftists did not oppose Eoka for it's liberation cause, they opposed it because of its Enosis cause. And it was not only the leftists. It was the big capital also.
One can distinguish the liberation cause from the Enosis cause of Eoka if he looks at what support Eoka B received among the population. As you know Eoka B’s one and only cause was Enosis. It was in fact very low.
erolz wrote:Resorting to non violent illegal acts can be a justifed means of overcomming oppresion in my view.
Interest Groups and the Post-war Irredentist Revival
a. The Greek National Claims, 1945-46 As has been noted, Greek irredentism was far from dead and buried in the aftermath
of disaster in Asia Minor. While banished from the realm of practical politics, it remained a powerful underlying factor. It took another World War to trigger itsresurgence. In 1945 a consensus cut clean across the civil war divide, to the effect that her gallant war record and suffering under enemy occupation entitled Greece to a new, perhaps the final, bout of national restitution. Irredenta were not limited to the Dodecanese Islands, Northern Epirus and Cyprus – all three being areas with compact Greek populations. The Communist Party advanced claims on Turkish Thrace while its ‘nationalist’ opponents clamoured for territorial acquisitions to the north.
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Both sides tried to outbid each other in patriotic fervour. After the December fighting and the Varkiza agreement, the communist Left was increasingly isolated, its supporters persecuted and its activities penalised. Opting for abstention from the general elections in 1946 and for armed struggle later on, it forfeited any chance of participating in mainstream politics. The result was that the Communist Party and its affiliated organisations were barred from public life. Thus,
from an early stage, the irredentist discourse was effectively monopolised by the forces of the incipient ethnikophrosyne. Following the Varkiza agreement, irredentist groups of more or less clear right-wing
leanings proliferated. They were soon joined in their campaign by a host of other groups, from established professional associations to explicitly anti-Communist and royalist organisations. Thessaloniki became the centre of their campaign and with good cause. The city was situated near the vulnerable northern frontier, the extension of which these groups claimed. There was a strong element originating from various
Greek communities in adjacent Balkan countries, with a record of organisation and strong connections with local patrons and politicians.
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Soon, these groups would compete for public attention and scant government funds.
We need to find a way to honour their youthful idealism and courage and remember their sacrifices without alienating out Turkish Cypriot fellow citizens, and without sacrificing our intelligence to a veneer of lies.
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