by EPSILON » Mon Nov 05, 2007 3:33 pm
The Washington-based National Albanian American Council (NAAC) has circulated a short "Summary Fact Sheet" on Albanian discontents and demands in Macedonia. [For full text , see Appendix A, at the end]
The paper lists eight "changes" which "must be made immediately if Macedonia is to prevent a wider war." The threat is clear. The demands are impossible to satisfy "immediately" – some of them have been met already and others involve social and political processes that take time, as well as mutual good will which is not fostered by the threat of "a wider war." The stated objective of this "fact sheet" is to get the United States to intervene along the pattern of previous U.S. intervention in Kosovo. By justifying the armed insurgency as a defense of "human rights," the NAAC hopes to exert U.S. power on behalf of the same violent Albanian nationalists to whom NATO delivered Kosovo.
To start with, one must keep in mind that the central fallacy behind disastrous "international community" intervention in former Yugoslavia over the past decade has been the assumption that "human rights" are the central issue. This assumption has been vigorously promoted by Albanian lobbies in the United States and Europe, such as the National Albanian American Council. As a result of the single-minded focus on "human rights," complaints couched in human rights terms and echoed by such lobbies enjoy an instant credibility denied the accused governments, which are under constant suspicion of bad faith.
It is certain that in very many countries in the world, statistics can show marked differences in wealth and social position between different sectors of the population, depending on race, religion or national origin. This is most famously the case in the United States of America, where income and participation in the administration of wealth, government, the media, academia and the judicial branch are far from equally distributed between citizens of European, African, Native American and Hispanic origin, for instance.
In light of the well-known inequality within American society, why do Albanians appeal to the United States to "do something" about inequality in Macedonia? This must have less to do with the proven ability of the United States to provide its own citizens with the total equality sought by the Albanians in Macedonia than with two other factors: (1) the proven power and willingness of the United States to interfere in the Balkans on behalf of its Albanian clients; and (2) the effort to equate the demands of Albanians in Macedonia with similar demands of minorities in the United States. To clarify this second point: in the United States, the demands for equality of African-Americans have not, in recent times, been in any way tinged with the slightest suspicion that such demands are merely a step toward achieving territorial autonomy to be followed by secession. This differentiates demands for equality in the United States very sharply from Albanian demands in Kosovo and Macedonia. Those Albanian demands are broadly understood in both Serbia and Macedonia, by all sides, as steps toward territorial autonomy and even secession, changing borders to create a "Greater Albania."
THE ETHNICITIES IN THIS CASE ARE MUCH MORE RELATIVE TO OUR CASE