Cyprus-Forum.com

[humanist]

http://www.researchasylum.org.uk/?lid=331

Cypriots in Britain: diaspora(s) committed to peace?
Author
Bertrand, Giles
Date
2004
Summary
Aims

This article examines the relationship between the Turkish-Cypriot and Greek Cypriot communities in London; it explores whether they are recreating the society they left behind in Cyprus in exile and whether they are one or two diaspora(s).

Methodology

The author discusses the concept of diaspora, followed by an examination of the history of the Cyprus conflict and migration to Britain from the island. This history provides a context for the subsequent analysis in the piece. No details of the research methodology are given in the article. It is clear however that interviews took place in the Spring and Summer of 2002 in London. Much of the article focuses on events in London, as the majority of the Cypriot community live in Greater London, particularly the Boroughs of Enfield and Haringey.

Key findings

Greek Cypriot political organisations in the UK, such as the Council for Hellenes Abroad [SAE], EKEKA [Federation of Cypriot Refugees] and POMAK [World Federation of Overseas Cypriots] are politically mainstream and back the "official" Republic of Cyprus [RoC] history that Turkish Cypriots rebelled against the RoC government in 1964. They have few contacts with Turkish Cypriot organisations. Their political activity involves lobbying the UK government; they have supported those concerned with "the Cyprus issue" in elections in London and those seen as pro-Turkish have been ousted from power. Nationalist mobilisation is less effective among Turkish Cypriots because their identity is more complex and there is little consensus over relationships with mainland Turks in London and perspectives on "the Cyprus issue". These different perspectives are illustrated by the four free Turkish-language newspapers which show different affiliations.

Support for Denktas's regime [the nationalist Democratic Party] in the Turkish Cypriot community in the UK is low. The main nationalist party, the National Unity Party claim to have 40,000 - 50,000 supporters in the UK yet there is little evidence of such support. The Turkish Cypriot left in the UK is more active and united than Denktas's supporters. The organisations on the left advocate the integration of British-born Turkish Cypriots into British society whilst trying to mobilise them at the same time. Greek Cypriots in the UK emphasise their Cypriot identity over their Greek Cypriot or Greek identity; one reason for this is the strength of the Greek Cypriot left in the UK which advocates re-unification and reconciliation.

Although social visits to each other's homes and intermarriage is still rare, inter-communal socialisation has increased over time. Two Cypriot community centres have been established in London with representation from both communities. Social activities take place there, such as language learning, and for this reason little open criticism is expressed from the nationalists. However, some nationalists say that the Haringey Cypriot Community Centre [HCCC] in Wood Green, is an AKEL political [communist] operation, as a representative of the organisation plays a crucial role in the management of the centre. There are other bi-communal organisations, but some only have a few Greek and Turkish Cypriot members. "Friends of Cyprus" consists mainly of MPs and MEPs who back UN resolutions and lobby for Cyprus's accession to the EU.

There is significant bi-communal co-operation amongst the Cypriot communities in London, that is, cooperation between Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot organisations. The interviewees revealed that the main reason for Turkish Cypriots not joining bi-communal organisations is the fear of being portrayed as traitors by Rauf Denktas and his supporters. This is only part of the story. The author purports that the language barrier plays a significant role because the young Turkish Cypriot generation do not speak Greek. Also, there is an ongoing process of rebuilding confidence between the two communities, with political developments such as AKEL [the communist party] backing mainstream nationalist policies in Cyprus.

Conclusions

In Britain, Cypriots are more open to express pre-conflict political affiliations rather than an exclusive nationalist identity. The author concludes that people choose three different ways to express their identity, according to Albert Hirchman's theory: some "exit" from their Cypriot identity and choose their British one; some "voice" against the status quo on the island and against nationalism; others are "loyal" to their communal leaders and advocate the legalisation of the partition.

[OB1]

[OB1]

so is bisexuality

[humanist]

indeed it is OB1,

[Nikitas]

Humanist

Today there was a very interesting report on BBC world service about Belgium and its problems with bicommunality. The report stressed the lack of intercommunal socialising and the very low percentage of intermarriage, the conclusion was however that partition is not the desired solution. Interesting that the Annan plan was based on the "Belgian model" according the preamble.

Considering the number of mixed villages that existed before 1974 and the number of them that managed to survive the strife of the 60s then there is evidence that bicommunal living is possible. But now after 33 years of continued separation it is debatable.

[Viewpoint]

Humanist

Today there was a very interesting report on BBC world service about Belgium and its problems with bicommunality. The report stressed the lack of intercommunal socialising and the very low percentage of intermarriage, the conclusion was however that partition is not the desired solution. Interesting that the Annan plan was based on the "Belgian model" according the preamble.

Considering the number of mixed villages that existed before 1974 and the number of them that managed to survive the strife of the 60s then there is evidence that bicommunal living is possible. But now after 33 years of continued separation it is debatable.

So they can now take our model of division would work out for them as well. Just like many other divisions eg Serbia Montenegro.

[Kikapu]

Humanist

Today there was a very interesting report on BBC world service about Belgium and its problems with bicommunality. The report stressed the lack of intercommunal socialising and the very low percentage of intermarriage, the conclusion was however that partition is not the desired solution. Interesting that the Annan plan was based on the "Belgian model" according the preamble.

Considering the number of mixed villages that existed before 1974 and the number of them that managed to survive the strife of the 60s then there is evidence that bicommunal living is possible. But now after 33 years of continued separation it is debatable.

So they can now take our model of division would work out for them as well. Just like many other divisions eg Serbia Montenegro.

The only problem with your example above is, that Montenegro was not established after 1974 by force, but has been around for Generations.

[repulsewarrior]

Bicommunal actually means fielty to a State, while having a fielty to a Nation. That is why, having three governments for our representation, is viable; the Republic of Cyprus and two National Assemblies.

Bicommunal does not mean two governments, if they are mutually exclusive.

I have suggested in the past an idea which is not new. Bizonality remains without a definition that is clear, but it is meant to give an identity, a geography, to the political spheres. It does not mean two parts (either); that would be a division and/or partition that cannot sustain itself. Recognising that what is necessary is a reciprocal act of good will, (in recognition to the displaced all over the world, a demonstration of our commitment to Human Rights), enclaves like jewels can be scattered across the island, redistributing land more fairly, allowing for the creation of new communities, as well as the return of others, while protecting the fabric of the communites which surrround them without a significant displacement of their demographics, the "line" as we know it will not have to move very much.

Bizonality, like Bicommunality, means having many parts.