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[Get Real!]

Erolz, you can either believe in a Democracy that is being practiced in the Western World or the Democracy that is practiced in the Banana Republic or South Asia...

Excellent Post!!!

+5 Brownie points!

[Pyrpolizer]

Now, I understand your feelings perfectly given our past history in Cyprus with the Majority, the GC's, but if you look back for a second, the reasons why we had all the problems with the 1960 Constitution was not because we had a TRUE Democracy, but it's because we did not have a TRUE Democracy. We had a Constitution that was:

Not only that but neither the Gcs nor the Tcs really understood how to practice democracy back then…They both behaved wrong.

I think the lowest price we all have to pay to bring the situation back to true democracy, is to pay from our pockets the huge costs involved to have a Federal structure for a few decades.

[erolz]

The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1965 described the policy of the Turkish Cypriot leaders in this way:

Actually UN document S/6426 was NOT written by the Secretary General at all. It was submitted by him to the SC as one of the regular 6 month reports from UNFICYP

The SAME UN report also says

The Cyprus military authorities have continued their defence preparations which, in some cases, have consisted of activities asserted to be provocative by the Turkish Cypriots community.

In some instances, the Special Representative
and the Commander felt that the Government's interpretation of
its requirements for external defence was so far-reaching as to
cover virtually any military measures it might choose to take.

62.In the Political Liaison Committee meeting
held on the same morning, the UNFICYP representative deplored the
broad retaliatory measures by the Government which were causing
hardship to innocent civilians.­

67.On 23 April, the restrictions were still in
force, but vehicles stranded in the Turkish quarter of Nicosia
were allowed to leave, provided that no passengers or goods on
the restricted list were carried.­

68.An important side effect of the blockade was
that the Turkish Cypriot villagers of Temblos in the Kyrenia
mountain area were unable to travel to Nicosia by the normal
route through Kyrenia, and as a consequence resumed construction
of the Temblos road over the mountain (see paras. 72-75 below).­

Other UNCIVPOL investigations have
covered cases of detention of Turkish Cypriots, confiscation of
Turkish Cypriot goods, cases of damage to various types of
property, unlawful cultivation or harvesting, and traffic
incidents.­

Of
the persons previously reported missing (S/6228, paras. 117 and
118) one Turkish Cypriot was located on 7 June. That leaves 208
Turkish Cypriots, 41 Greek Cypriots, 3 British nationals and I
German national still reported missing. Efforts to trace these
persons have been unavailing.­

04.The Turkish Cypriot population has continued
to be subject to hardships of various kinds, some of them
onerous. These include restrictions on the freedom of movement of
civilians, economic restrictions, the unavailability of some
essential public services, and the sufferings of refugees.
UNFICYP efforts toward a return to normal conditions have been
designed, among other things, to help in doing away with these
disabilities, affecting one section of the country's population,
and to enable ordinary Cypriots to go about their lawful pursuits
and live their normal lives without fear of violence or
discrimination.­

17.The economic condition of Turkish Cypriots,
when examined separately, presents a different picture. The only
encouraging element in their present economic situation is that
the 1965 prospects for agriculture, which is the main activity of
the Turkish Cypriot community, are good (see paras. 123-125
below). But, the non-agricultural sectors of the economy of the
Turkish Cypriot community have in the past partly depended on
activities running across community lines, such as trade and
public and private employment. These activities have been very
severely curtailed by the political situation. On the whole, the
continued presence of a large number of displaced persons, the
impact of economic restrictions, the limitations on freedom of
movement, the loss of sources of income in public and private
employment, etc., have contributed to keep the economy of the
Turkish Cypriot community in a state of stagnation. It is
estimated that the number of displaced persons is at least 20,000
and that the total number of persons in need of some assistance
is more than twice as large. Thousands of Turkish Cypriots depend
on relief from abroad, chiefly from Turkey, for their subsistence
needs.­

118.While there was no easing of restrictions on
the list of materials prohibited to the Turkish Cypriots, five
new items were added to the list on 19 March 1965, namely, motor
launches (motor-boats, speed-boats), tractors, excavators, Land
Rovers and motor lorries (trucks). Concerning the method of
application of the restrictions to these five items, the
Government has made it clear that only new acquisitions were
prohibited; items already in the possession of Turkish Cypriots
would not be interfered with by the authorities in
Government-controlled areas, provided they were legally licenced
and insured.­

119.UNFICYP expressed its concern at this
measure which was obviously a step away from the desired return
to normal conditions. At present, there are forty-three items on
the restricted list: Some of them have direct military
application, while others have only indirect or little military
significance.­

128.Difficulties were encountered, beginning in
March 1965, over the allocation of gas oil and lubricants to
Turkish Cypriot owners of tractors. In the autumn of 1964,
UNFICYP had reached understandings with the competent Government
authorities (see S/6102, para. 81), by which the Turkish Cypriots
would receive reasonable quantities of gas oil and lubricants for
their tractors, on the basis of areas to be ploughed. These
arrangements made it possible for the Turkish Cypriot farmers to
sow their land before winter set in. However, having made the
clearance for gas oil and lubricants depend on valid tractor
licences, the Ministry of Agriculture ruled in March 1965 that in
order to issue agricultural tractor licences free of charge, the
tractors must be inspected to ensure that they were used for
agricultural purposes only. An UNFICYP offer to escort the
Government officials to the Turkish Cypriot villages for
inspection tours, and an alternative proposal to have the
inspection carried out on "neutral" ground, were not pursued by
the Government.

60.As stated in my report of 10 September 1964
(S/5950, paras. 117-122), only a limited number of Turkish
Cypriots have been receiving the old-age pensions, widows'
pensions and other benefits to which they were entitled under the
Social Insurance Law of 1956, and lately under the Social
Insurance Law enacted in October 1964. The situation has remained
basically unchanged.­

168.Some individual financial claims of Turkish
Cypriots <f51>vis-a-vis<f50> the Government have so far remained
unsettled, as the Government fears that if payments were affected
at this stage, such sums, or a large part of them, would be used
for "insurrectional" purposes. UNFICYP made representations to
the Government concerning a particular case, in which the
Government had withheld from a Turkish Cypriot, citizen of the
Republic, financial compensation to which he was admittedly
entitled.

During the past three months, properties in
Nicosia and Larnaca belonging to EVKAF (the Turkish Cypriot
religious trust), including portions of land within the precincts
of two mosques and an ancient burial place, have been subjected
by the municipal authorities to demolition for public purposes
(road-widening schemes and construction of a parking lot)

[Murataga]

MRFROMNG - Well done Murataga and Erolz for what? Wasting there time typing a load of bollocks. Who are they trying to kid? (apart from you of course).

Well snake, below is what I congratulated Murataga for. Every single word of his post is spot on. He very articulately explains to us all the GC kind of democracy. This would not be approved by the likes of you but trust me to the unbiased individual it will explain everything they need to know.

Once again I say well done Murataga.

Funny how you don't congratulate him about the bogus "UN documents" he constantly unashamedly presents!

Didn`t take your previous post on this seriously as I couldn`t imagine that you would go as far as denying them - apparently I was wrong.

I wrote down the quotes from the original documents at the main library in Ankara while attending college. The reports vary from 20-50 pages each. In addition to the main library in Ankara these documents are available in UN Dag Hammarskjöld Library and the Library of the UN Office at Geneva which I had to ask once for my studies. It is also quite possible that I can locate the reports here in the TRNc from the national archive or the MFAffairs. Is this what you want and if so what will you do to make it worth my while?

But all this aside what is of great amazement to me is that you have sunk so deep in your ocean of ego that instead of owning up to the crimes your people have committed you simply choose to deny U.N. reports claiming "faulty" English (which by the way the English is exactly as it is written in the original report). If people are prevented to go to their homes, if villages are attacked and people are murdered, how does simply stating this makes any document, let alone a one by the U.N., "partial". But I know the answer to this very well and so does anyone else who is familiar with your motives: it is because the document states your crimes and that is a reason good enough to deny it or stamp it as partial.

As per usual I'll swiftly put you out of your misery Murataga so you won't have to suffer for too long. This is the only piece by a REAL Secretary-General you will ever need to read to understand what your people were up to during those turbulent years.

The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1965 described the policy of the Turkish Cypriot leaders in this way:

"The Turkish Cypriot leaders have adhered to a rigid stand against any measures which might involve having members of the two communities live and work together, or which might place Turkish Cypriots in situations where they would have to acknowledge the authority of Government agents. Indeed, since the Turkish Cypriot leadership is committed to physical and geographical separation of the communities as a political goal, it is not likely to encourage activities by Turkish Cypriots which may be interpreted as demonstrating the merits of an alternative policy. The result has been a seemingly deliberate policy of self-segregation by the Turkish Cypriots" (S/6426).

Taken from:

http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/0/a99f ... endocument

Wasted!

And yet your denial goes on. Let`s start with your document first... I have addressed this document previously and I urge all readers to refer to this at:

http://www.cyprus-forum.com/viewtopic.p ... ize#157008

A most striking attribute of the report is:

If the document is scanned carefully, the readers will observe that there exists not a single, and I can’t emphasize this any stronger: not one, note, comment, observation or conclusion that criticizes anything about the GCs in a 44 year long conflict.

It was most likely prepared and submitted by the RoC officials in 1998 (as the report is classified "reports of states parties "), at a time when any and all TCs were ousted from the government. So no wonder...

As far as the Secretary-General`s specific comment goes... TC leaders had the very responsibility to look after the security and wellfare of thier community. A responsible leader will not allow its people to resume their life among conditions which put into jeapordy their safety and rights; and that is exactly what the TC leaders did not allow. The TC leaders` greatest responsibility was to let their people know that the other other community`s conquest of annihilating them and handing the island to Greece is ongoing, which exactly was the case. If you read the information from the Secretary General`s reports that I have provided, you will clearly observe that this in fact was the position of the GC community towards the TC community:

U.N. Secretary General`s report S/8286 of December 1967

"126. When disturbances broke out in December 1963 and continued in the first part of 1964, thousands of Turkish Cypriots fled from their homes, taking with them only what they could drive or carry, and sought refuge in what they considered to be safer Turkish Cypriot villages and areas.
The refusal of the Greek Cypriot authorities to allow the Turkish Cypriot refugees to return to their homes in conditions of safety, effectively frusturated persistent Turkish efforts to rehabilitate them. They also obstructed attempts to improve their living conditions"

U.N. Secretary General`s report S/6426 of June 1965

"104. The Turkish Cypriot population has continued to be subject to hardships of various kinds, some of them enormous. These include restrictions on the freedom of movement of civilians, economic restrictions, the unavailability of some essential public services, and the sufferings of refugees."

U.N. Secretary General`s report S/5950 of September 1964

"180. UNIFCYP carried out a detailed survery of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances, including the Tyllria fighting. It shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2000 others have suffered damage from looting. ... In many Turkish villages, crowded by the arrival of displaced persons, there is an acute shortage of medical facilities."

Furthermore this stance was magnificently justified in (1) the attacks that were going on and kept going on in the following years, reaching their zenith in 1967, (2) Makarios` repeated pledges for ENOSIS and finally (3) the House of Representatives` official resolution stating ENOSIS was the objective. And of course it was the most important responsibility of the TC leaders towards their community to refuse to acknowledge the authority of a Government which they were ousted from by force and a government which was inviting Greek Army into Cyprus to annihilate the TCs. Long story short - the leaders did not let the people continue to get massacred by telling them to go back living among the GC community that just/was destroyed/destroying their villages, killed/killing their people, put them under an ambargo and contracted their annihilation to assasins from Greece. You should be proud of them as a Cypriot

[erolz]

You problem is, True Democracy does not give any minority group 50% of Power to be equal with the Majority, and since we the TC's are in the Minority, all of a sudden, you do not want a True Democracy.

When we act as Cypriots then sure your idea of a 'true' democray is no problem. The problem is when ONE COMMUNITY seeks to imposer a purely COMMUNAL WILL on the other in the NAME of a 'unitarty CYpriot people' that is clearly undermined by the very fact that only ONE community wants something. I am not and have never argued that the TC community should have equality as a community on EVERYTHING. I argue that when issues are COMMUNAL then the COMMUNITES are EQUAL as COMMUNITES. This is in fact what democracy requires if you believe democracy has anything to do with seeking that people have a right to an effectvie say in the decsion that rulke thier lives.

Now, I understand your feelings perfectly given our past history in Cyprus with the Majority, the GC's, but if you look back for a second, the reasons why we had all the problems with the 1960 Constitution was not because we had a TRUE Democracy, but it's because we did not have a TRUE Democracy. We had a Constitution that was:

You are right in the sense that if we had your 'true' democracy in 1960 as you define it, then there would not be a Cyprus problem because there would not be a Cypriot nation or a Cypriot State or a Cypriot people. Cyprus would NOT be ruled by Cypriots, it would be ruled by Athens and Greeks. I would not be Cypriot by nationality but Greek by antionality , and having had no effectvie say in this decision. Turkish would not a langauge of my state and I would not even be allowed to set up a club that had the word Turkish in it. So you are right your true democracy back then would have meant NO CYPRUS as a state and a nation and a (unitary) people AT ALL.

a) Undemocratic
b) Racist
c) Violated Human Rights
d) Discriminatory
e) and more, I'm sure.

Yes more. You left out, agreed , legal, internationaly recongised, supported by Greece and legitimate and more besides.

Any one of the above would have been enough to derail the 1960 Constitution, and it did, which brought us to where we are today, and what really amazes me the most, this is what you want to go back to again, somehow thinking it will work the second time around. I'm sorry, but I'm missing something here. Is this a ploy to get the next agreements derailed again because it will, because it is not a TRUE Democracy.

Sigh. In a true democracy people have an effective say in the decisons that rule thier lives. In your 'true' democracy of the 60's I as a Cypriot who was not greek would have had no effective say in the most fundamental decsions that affect my life, like if my country even existed as a contry or not, if it were to be given to another country or not and what my nationality would be. If GC had not chose to be Greek rather than Cypriot, therby excluding my cypriot community and prejudicing it and denying it any effective voice, then we would not have need the 60's agreements. Do not blame the 60's agreements for destroying Cyprus. Blame those that sought to destroy Cyprus as a state nation and people.

Let me ask you a very simple question. If you had your own country on Mars, and you did not want to be a Dictator or a King, would you install a Democracy Piratis's way, or your way. Would you chose True Democracy we have come to know in the West, or would you choose a Banana Republic kind of Democracy.?

If I lived on Mars and mars was made up of a numerical majority of creatures that lived in mars but considered themselves earthlings and a smaller group that did not consider themselves earthlings I would not support the idea that the earthling group could in the NAME OF ALL MARTIANS, democraticaly give mars to earth and that the group that is not earthlings and does not conside it so has the same rights as a group as the earthling group does.
If the 'proposal' was for a system of canal networks that would benefit and affect all martians in the same way regadless of group then one martian one voite would do.

The fact that we have two main ethnic groups on the island of Cyprus, should not mean, we have to have a system, where each ethnic group can decide how to control their destiny.

If we seek destinies that can include both groups and affects both the same all as Cypriots then sure there is no need for any other concept or unit of demcoracy beyong indivdual CYpriots. However when on group ALONE acting purely in its interest as a group and not in interests of CYpriots in general seek to impose somethin on the other gorup , that affects them differently, then democracy (in its truest sense) REQUIRES that each group as a group has an equal voice.

It can't be done. When the Partitionist asks for Safeguards, they are not asking for protection for all, equal rights for all, equal vote for all, equal opportunity for all, equal in everything else for all. No, what they mean is, we want to be able to say NO with a VETO to any proposal that comes through the Parliament, if it's something the minority does not want. Well, in a TRUE Democracy, this is not how things get done. We all know this, because most of us have lived in other countries as Minorities, and we never complained, and even if we did complain, we would have been told, "tough shit Charlie", but at the same time, non of us lost our individual rights as Humans or Citizens of that country. We need to have Trust in a TRUE Democracy. If you cannot trust TRUE Democracy, how on earth can you put trust into a Banana Republic type of Democracy.

When we act as indivduals we vote as indivduals one one person one vote is fine MEANS to achieve the POINT of democracy. When we act as communites we vote as communites and one community one vote is a better MEANS to achieve the POINT of democracy.

OK, enough said on Democracy and if you don't mind, I really do not want to respond to the Enosis issue, because for me, it is a non issue.

The issue is not enosis. The issue is RIGHTS. Enosis is the example but the issue is rights, who has them and in what circumstances.

[Get Real!]

The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1965 described the policy of the Turkish Cypriot leaders in this way:

Actually UN document S/6426 was NOT written by the Secretary General at all. It was submitted by him to the SC as one of the regular 6 month reports from UNFICYP

Are you implying that the section I QUOTED is NOT a quote of the Secretary-General of the United Nations?

[erolz]

It was most likely prepared and submitted by the RoC officials in 1998 (as the report is classified "reports of states parties "), at a time when any and all TCs were ousted from the government. So no wonder...

THe source document that GR refered to is was written by the RoC and Submitted TO the UN BY the RoC. This is a fact and can be shown by the title of the document and the documents refernace number.

Core document forming part of the reports of states parties : Cyprus. 23/07/98.

Core documents in UN terms are documents that indivdual states are legaly required to write and submit to the the UN. The core document for the state parties : Libiya is written by Libiya and submitted to the UN. This is true of EVERY core document. You can prove this via, common sense, looking at core documents for turkey, or looking up the UN websites own defintions of 'core documents' and 'state parties'

As far as the Secretary-General`s specific comment goes...

They are NOT the SG comments. S/6426 is one of the regular 6 month reports BY UNFICYP written not by the SG but by the head of UNFICYP. It is then as a matter of procedure , sumbmitted by the SG to the SC.

In fact s/6425 DOES include an addendum 'ON­ RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN CYPRUS­' whihs is very atypical for a 6 monthly report. It is alos a very interesting addendum for it details the TC leaderships attempts to return to their government positions and the (illegal) 'pre conditions' placed on them by Cleridies should they try and do so. I will post it here in full

[erolz]

The following is an addedum added to UN s/6462 by the SG of the UN. It details the attempts of the TC leadership to return to their valid and legal positions in the RoC government and the GC leaderships attempts to make such a return dependent on illegal preconditions that would have requires the TC leadership to accept GC unilaterlay imposed limitations on the TC communiyes legal consiutional rights.

REPORT BY THE SECRETARY-GENERAL ON­
RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN CYPRUS­


<f51>Introduction<f50>­

1.I wish to draw the attention of the Security
Council to certain important developments which have taken place
in Cyprus recently and which have increased tension in the
island. These developments and the action taken by UNFICYP in
relation to them are set forth in this report.­

<f51>Measures adopted by the House of Representatives<f50>­

2.Under article 43 of the Cyprus constitution of
1960, the terms of office of the President, Vice-President and
members of the House of Representatives were due to expire five
years after their investiture, that is, on 16 August 1965.­

3.On 20 July 1965 the Council of Ministers held
a special meeting under the Chairmanship of President Makarios.
It was announced that the Council had approved a bill to extend
the terms of office of the President of the Republic and of the
members of the House of Representatives for a period not
exceeding twelve months so that the necessary preparations and
the holding of elections for the President and for the House
might become possible in the meantime. The Government stated that
this action was imperative for the sake of the normal and
unhindered functioning of the State, the timely preparation and
holding of elections having become impossible owing to the
present situation. It was noted that the bill contained no
reference to the Vice-President.­

4.The Council of Ministers also approved a bill
continuing in force the electoral law of the Republic "subject to
certain legislative measures which became necessary by force of
the pressing situation in Cyprus until such time as the people of
Cyprus may express their views thereon". The Government stated
that for this purpose interim provisions had been included in the
bill in regard to the preparation and holding of elections for
the presidency of the Republic and membership of the House.
<f51>The bill made no mention of separate Greek and Turkish
registers of electors, registrars of electors, returning
officers, presiding officers, constituencies, electors,
candidates or members. In all such cases the communal distinction
was written off.<f50>­

5.Both bills were introduced in the House of
Representatives on 22 July and referred to committee. It was
expected that the full House consider the legislation during the
next day.­

6.Acting on the basis of press reports about the
above developments, the Turkish Cypriot members of the House of
Representatives decided to attempt to participate in the debates
of the House. During the morning of 22 July, the Turkish Cypriot
members informed the Special Representative of the
Secretary-General about their decision. Pointing out moreover
that, according to article 788 of the constitution, separate
majorities of the representatives from each community taking part
in the vote were required for any modification of the electoral
law.­

7.The Turkish Cypriot members requested UNFICYP
to extend its good offices to enable them to receive information
about the time of meeting of the House, and to make arrangements
for the Turkish Cypriot members to attend such meetings in
safety. They specified that, if officially invited and notified
about matters to be considered, as required by the constitution,
they would be prepared to attend Parliament on all questions, not
only on the two bills now pending.­

8.The Special Representative conveyed this
position to Mr. Clerides, the President of the House of
Representatives, who stated the Turkish Cypriot members could
attend provided agreement were reached beforehand on the
following points:­

(a) The Turkish Cypriot members would resume their seats
permanently rather than only for the purpose of the present
debate;­

(b) The Turkish Cypriot member would accept that the laws
enacted by the House of Representatives would be applied to the
whole of Cyprus, including the Turkish areas, by the Government
using the normal authorized administrative organs;­

(c) While the Greek Cypriot members would regard
attendance at the House by the Turkish Cypriot members as
implying recognition by them of the present Cyprus Government,
the Turkish Cypriot members would not be called upon to make a
statement to that effect, and the Greek Cypriots would likewise
refrain from making any such statement on the record of the
House;­

(d) It must be understood that the provision in article
78 of the constitution concerning separate majorities had been
abolished and every member of the House would have one vote for
all decisions.­

9.Mr. Clerides informed UNFICYP that he was
prepared to discuss the situation during the afternoon of 22 July
with a group of Turkish Cypriot members of the House. He
subsequently indicated, however, that he would not receive this
delegation if they came escorted by UNFICYP soldiers, though he
would not object to their being brought to his office in an
UNFICYP automobile driven by an UNFICYP employee. Finally,
Mr.Clerides stated that unless the Turkish Cypriot members
accepted the conditions laid down by him, he found it pointless
to supply to them copies of the pending bills.­

10.The Special Representative transmitted the
position of the President of the House to Vice-President Kuchuk
and to certain Turkish Cypriot members of the House. The Turkish
Cypriots considered that the conditions laid down by Mr. Clerides
would eliminate the constitutional rights of the Turkish Cypriot
members and of their community. They emphasized in particular
that, under the constitution, only the President and
Vice-President jointly could challenge the constitutionality of a
law (article 140). In the case of legislation deemed contrary to
the interests of his community, the Vice-President was entitled
to institute action (article 141). However, since the Government
had stated that it no longer recognized Dr. Kuchuk in his capacity as
Vice-President, this latter provision of the constitution was
inapplicable in practice.­

11.During the afternoon, the Turkish Cypriot
members visited the President of the House, who reiterated the
substance of the points set forth in paragraph 8 above. He made
it plain that, unless agreement was reached on these matters, he
would not permit the Turkish Cypriot members to attend the House.
Mr.Clerides also stated that the constitutional provisions
concerning promulgation of the laws by the President and the
Vice-President were no longer applicable. He subsequently stated
that in his opinion the Turkish Cypriot members had no legal
standing any more in the House.­

12.Both Mr.Clerides and the Turkish Cypriot
members later in the day confirmed the substance of their talks
to Mr. Bernardes. They subsequently released public statements
giving their accounts of the discussions. The Turkish Cypriot
members informed the Special Representative that, in the
circumstances, they would not appear in the House on 23 July when
the extension and electoral bills were taken up.­

13.The Turkish Cypriot members considered that
they had been elected in accordance with the country's
constitution and that their participation, under that
constitution, in the deliberations of the House could not be made
subject to any conditions, permission or bargaining. They also
stated that their function consisted exclusively of making laws;
the task of applying the laws was the responsibility of the
executive organs of government. They accepted, however, that any
law enacted with their participation in accordance with the
provisions of the constitution of 1960 was for application over
the entire extend of the Republic.­

14.The Government position was that certain
provisions of the constitution which conferred a special status
on the Turkish Cypriot community could no longer be considered as
being in effect; that by their prolonged absence from the
sessions of the House and other actions, the Turkish Cypriot
members had allowed their mandates to lapse; and that in any case
the Turkish Cypriot members would not be permitted to return to
the House to participate in enactment of legislation which, in
view of the constitutional dispute and the military situation in
the country, would not be applied in the Turkish
Cypriot-controlled areas.­

15.Mr.Clerides also explained publicly that the
proposed extension in office applied to "the members attending
the day to day business of the House". So far as the executive
was concerned, the extension would apply to the President, but
did not refer to the Vice-President or to the ministers.­

16.In this connexion, it may be recalled that
the Turkish Cypriot members have not attended the House of
Representatives since the disturbances of 1963/64. On one
occasion, in January 1965, the question of their attendance was
discussed by a delegation of Turkish Cypriot members with the
President of the House in connexion with the proposed designation
of a Cyprus delegation to the Consultative Assembly of the
Council of Europe. However, the House has not met so far to
consider this item, and the matter has not been pursued since.­

17.The House of Representatives adopted both
bills placed before it on the afternoon of 23 July after a brief
debate. There was no opposition, although some members expressed
reservations about the system of single-member constituencies.­


<f51>Actions taken by the Turkish Cypriot community<f50>­

18.The Turkish Cypriot members of the House met
in Nicosia on 23 July under the chairmanship of the
Vice-President of the House, Dr. Orhan M￾derrisoglou and adopted
certain resolutions "to safeguard the constitutional rights and
interests of the Turkish community" in view of the "circumstances
forced upon them". One of the resolutions stated that "the term
of office of (a) the Vice-President of the Republic, (b) the
Vice-President of the House of Representatives, and (c) the
Turkish members of the House of Representatives is hereby
extended as from the 16th August 1965, until such time as the
Turkish community duly elect a Vice-President of the Republic and
the Turkish members of the House, and in any case for a period
not exceeding twelve months."­

19.In a statement issued late that evening, a
spokesman of the Turkish Cypriot community declared, <f51>inter
alia<f50> , that the legislation enacted by the House of
Representatives, after its Turkish members had been prevented
from attending, was devoid of any legal or constitutional basis.­

20.On 26 July, the Turkish Communal Chamber
enacted a law extending the term of office of the members of the
Turkish Communal Chamber "with effect from the 16th August 1965
until such time as new members are duly elected and assume their
duties and in any case for a period not exceeding twelve
months".­

21.On 24 July, Dr.Kuchuk conferred with the
British High Commissioner and the Charge d'Affaires of Turkey in
their capacity as representatives of Governments which were
parties to the Treaty of Guarantee of 1960.­

22.On 25 July, Dr.Kuchuk sent a letter to the
Secretary-General of the United Nations protesting the actions of
the House and pointing out that these actions tended to worsen
the situation in Cyprus and impose the will of one community over
the other by the use of brute force, contrary to the Security
Council's resolution of 4 March 1964. He asked the
Secretary-General to draw the Council's attention to this
"delicate and highly grave and explosive situation which the
Greeks have deliberately brought about in order to suppress the
Turkish community in the Island" <f51>This letter was circulated
as a Security Council document at the request of the Permanent
Representative of Turkey (S/6562).<f50>­

23.On 27 July, an "official gazette" was
published in Turkish under the authority of the Vice-President.
In the first issue which carried, <f51>inter alia,<f50> the law
extending the term of office of the Turkish Communal Chamber
referred to in paragraph 20 above, it was stated that the
publication of such a gazette had become necessary because the
official gazette of the Republic had not been published since
March 1964 in the Turkish language which is one of the two
official languages of the Republic. As a result it had been
rendered impossible for the Vice-President to follow the usual
procedure in exercising the authority given to him under articles
49 (j) and 104 of the constitution of 1960.­


<f51>Good offices extended by UNFICYP<f50>­

24.Throughout the developments described in the
above paragraphs, the Special Representative and the Force
Commander made available the good offices of UNFICYP to the
Government and to the Government and to the Turkish Cypriot
community, and in this manner succeeded in keeping channels of
communication open between them at all times. UNFICYP also made
the necessary practical arrangements for such direct contacts as
took place.­

25.In addition, Mr. Bernardes and General
Thimayya took every opportunity of counselling moderation to the
Government and to the Turkish Cypriot leaders, urging them to act
with the utmost restraint and to avoid actions which might
increase tension, worsen the situation and make it more difficult
for UNFICYP to carry out its mandate.­

26.On 27 July, the Secretary-General requested
UNFICYP to contact the Cyprus Government and the Turkish Cypriot
leadership and to appeal to them on his behalf to exercise
restraint and to avoid any actions which might precipitate a
crisis. The Secretary-General's appeal was transmitted on the
next day by his Special Representative and the desired assurances
were immediately received from those concerned

[erolz]

Are you implying that the section I QUOTED is NOT a quote of the Secretary-General of the United Nations?

I am not implying it at all GR - I am telling you it is a FACT. The document concerned was NOT written by the SG. The passage quotes was NOT written by the SG. The SG, as procedure requires, submitted the report, produced and written by the head of UNFICYP to the SC. He did not write it.

That in the UN core document submitted BY the RoC TO the UN, it claims the SG did write or say the quote is your problem not mine. Given the other massive amounts of lies, disortions and partial truths in the RoC written Core document that it submitted to the UN, I would not be too concerned about this extra small inaccuracy

[Get Real!]

Are you implying that the section I QUOTED is NOT a quote of the Secretary-General of the United Nations?

I am not implying it at all GR - I am telling you it is a FACT. The document concerned was NOT written by the SG. The passage quotes was NOT written by the SG. The SG, as procedure requires, submitted the report, produced and written by the head of UNFICYP to the SC. He did not write it.

That in the UN core document submitted BY the RoC TO the UN, it claims the SG did write or say the quote is your problem not mine. Given the other massive amounts of lies, disortions and partial truths in the RoC written Core document that it submitted to the UN, I would not be too concerned about this extra small inaccuracy

So what you're saying is that the RoC MANUFACTURED a quote allegedly SPOKEN by the Secretary-General of the UN and then sent it to this same Secretary-General for his perusal???