CYPRUS AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER (Senate - May 08, 1991)
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Mr. HARKIN. Mr. President, I would like to take this opportunity to speak about some of the lessons from the Persian Gulf war and their applicability to the conflict on Cyprus. As you know Mr. President, like the Kuwait crisis, the United Nations Security Council has passed a number of resolutions designed to end the crisis on Cyprus; most notably Security Council Resolutions 353, 1974; 367, 1975; 541, 1983; 550, 1984; and 649, 1990.
Throughout the Persian Gulf crisis President Bush spoke of a new world order resulting from the allied coalition's efforts to liberate Kuwait. Yet, the manner in which the Persian Gulf crisis was resolved did nothing to achieve a new world order. There was nothing new about the way the crisis was handled and little order has come about as a result of the war.
Cyprus, however, holds out a new hope and could be a shining example of how conflicts should be resolved in a new world order. As the international community searches for a solution to the conflict on Cyprus, we must consider not only what lessons can be learned from the gulf crisis but also what lessons will be taught in the future concerning conflict resolution.
What are some of the lessons that can be learned from the gulf war? First, the United Nations Security Council has an important role to play. If Cyprus is going to be an example of a new world order then United States Security Council Resolutions 367 (1975) and 649 (1990) as well as the agreements reached by the leaders of the two communities in 1977 and 1979 must continue to serve as the basis for the Secretary General's efforts and be implemented. Second, the United States is the only nation capable of providing the diplomatic and political leadership necessary to help resolve the conflict. Cyprus, as we all know, is high on the agenda of the Secretary General. The Secretary General began his illustrious career on Cyprus and would very much like to see the conflict resolved before he leaves office this year. I believe that Cyprus should also be high on the agenda of President Bush. Third, the manner in which U.N. Security Council resolutions are implemented--through diplomatic and political means as opposed to military force--will determine whether there will be a lasting and durable solution or whether greater human suffering will result. Last, as I have said on many occasions, the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of Cyprus must be respected and Turkish troops must leave. These are some of the lessons that can be learned from the gulf war.
Mr. President, we must now turn to those lessons that Cypriots might teach the world. The Cypriot communities face a daunting challenge; to install new state structures that will be accepted by all Cypriots regardless of ethnic background. Cyprus is not alone in its challenge to form new state structures. Yugoslavia, the birthplace of my mother, faces a somewhat similar situation, absent the presence of foreign troops. In Yugoslavia the federal system is breaking apart along the lines of ethnicity and has thrust that country to the verge of civil war. The federal system of Canada, which all would agree is a modern Western industrialized state, was on the brink of collapse only last year. Again, cultural, ethnic and political differences were at the root of the problem. Whether in Africa or Eastern Europe, the Basques of Spain or the Kurds of the Middle East, ethnic differences and the desire for satisfactory political representation are causing tensions, challenging old regimes, placing new tensions on political structures and upon the world community. Even in our own country, which has long prospered and benefited from ethnic diversity, the political model of federalism, while proven to be attainable and advantageous, did not evolve without a civil war.
How the conflict on Cyprus is eventually resolved and how the Cypriots decide to best govern themselves could greatly influence the world and become a model for any new world order. The U.S. Congress, for its part, can be a positive influence on the future course of events in Cyprus. We can do so by reaffirming our commitment to a proven formula for stability between Greece and Turkey. As I have said before, experience has shown that continuing to fund Greece and Turkey on the basis of the 7:10 ratio is in the best interest of the United States and assists in creating a climate conducive to a lasting settlement on Cyprus.
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