LENA wrote:what "KATAK" and "Kibris Türk Milli Birlik Partisi" were?
I am sure some of the more educated TC members of the forum must know about those two and if any of the GC knows I would love to hear what they were!
I am not trying to imply something I am just trying to find what they were.
Lena here is the another writing for u .read more and try to get something.
From the Ottoman period to 1960
Cyprus became part of the Ottoman Empire in 1571 and the first Turkish community was sent to the island in the same year. The Ottoman State, in order to get back the territories lost to Russia in the 1878 Treaty of Berlin, rented the island to Britain in exchange for help, with the understanding that once the Ottomans got their territories back, the island was to be handed back to the Ottoman Empire. But when the Ottoman Empire backed Germany in World War I, Britain announced that it had annexed the island. The Treaty of Lausanne in 1923 confirmed the annexation of Cyprus and the island officially became a colony of Britain in 1925. At that time, the majority of the island’s population consisted of Greeks with a minority of Turks.
In 1931, the island’s Greek speaking population burnt down the British imperial governor’s palace during a revolt against British imperialism. Britain then formed a police force from among the Turkish speaking population who had not taken part in the revolt, but had opposed it. Thus started the familiar British policy of Divide and Rule, playing off the Greeks and Turks against one another – with pogroms on both sides.
After the uprising, as the idea of Enosis (uniting with Greece) prevailed among the island’s Greek population, Britain set about organizing the Turks as a counter-balancing force. In 1943, a British-manipulated organization, the Institution of the Turkish Minority of Cyprus Island (KATAK), was founded. However, this organisation proved incapable of achieving the desired influence. And in 1944, Dr. Fazıl Kucuk founded the National Turkish People Party of Cyprus.
The Communist Party of Cyprus (KKP), founded in 1926, had been declared illegal after the uprising of 1931. The KKP founded the AKEL in 1941 in order to carry on its legal activities. After three years of co-existence, in 1944 the KKP dissolved into AKEL. At that time, the anti-imperialist movement was led mainly by the AKEL and the Orthodox Church.
Since the 1950s, one of the most important factors that increased the importance of Cyprus were the oil reserves in the Middle East. Another factor was that Cyprus was an important base from which to intervene in the conflicts that erupted throughout the region (for instance in the Arab-Israeli conflict). Britain was losing its military bases throughout the Eastern Mediterranean, and therefore it gave great importance to Cyprus.
When we look at the position of the Turkish ruling class prior the 1950s we see an interesting picture. Prior to the 1950s, as Turkish senior officials declared at that time, "there was no such thing as the Cyprus" for Turkey. On January 23, 1950, the then Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs, Necmettin Sadak, announced in the TBMM (The Grand National Assembly of Turkey) that “there is no such thing as the Cyprus question… our strong conviction is that Britain has no intention or inclination of handing Cyprus over to another state today. No matter what happens in Cyprus, the British government will not hand the island of Cyprus over to any other state. Therefore the stirrings among our youth are in vain.” Again in July of the same year, Fuat Köprülü, who was the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the government of the Democrat Party, also said that “there was no such problem.”
Of course the most important factor determining this policy, that was maintained until the mid-1950s, was NATO. Turkey and Greece both joined NATO in 1952. Turkey was in favour of maintaining the status quo, and had no desire to be in conflict with Greece over Cyprus, which would have jeopardised its NATO membership. At the same time hysterical anti-communism, whipped up by NATO, was prevalent in both countries and this affected the whole policy to a great extent. It was the independence struggle on the part of the Greek Cypriots that was to force Greece to break with its indifference.
In 1954, Greece appealed to the United Nations to force Britain to acknowledge “the right of self-determination” for Cyprus. In the negotiations, Turkey lined up with Britain saying that the island was Britain's and the appeal was rejected. As a matter of fact, this attitude of Turkey siding with the colonialists is not an accident at all. During the independence struggles of Algeria and Tunisia against French colonialism, Turkey was on the side of France. And quite naturally, Turkey was seen as a pro-colonialist country in the eyes of the Middle East and other underdeveloped countries.
In order to stop such a strategically important island from falling under the sphere of influence of the USA, Britain attempted to legitimise its own presence on the island by drawing Turkey into the problem and creating a de facto Turkish-Greek conflict. In fact, the strengthening of both Greek and Turkish nationalism (which were both artificially intensified), suited the interests of Britain very well. In fact it was no accident that EOKA (National Organisation of Cypriot Fighters, founded on nationalistic bases in 1955) launched provocative attacks against ordinary people including the Turks. Nor was the granting of a seat to Turkey at the London Conference in the same year. The same applies to the plotting of the infamous September 6-7 incident coinciding with the last days of the conference.
On November 6, 1955, a state-sponsored newspaper spread the news that Atatürk’s former house in Salonica (Thessaloniki) had been bombed. Then began the attacks on Greeks and other non-Muslims in Istanbul which devastated their houses, shops and churches. Three people were killed and 30 injured. The attacks were conducted in an extremely organized and well-prepared manner. Backed by the MAH (the then Turkish intelligence service), organisations such as the ‘Cyprus Belongs to Turkey Society’ and the Union of Istanbul Higher Education Students effectively led the attacks. Immediately the government announced “communists” as the scapegoats, and a witch-hunt against them began. Only years later did a retired army general reveal the real perpetrators when he declared that “the incidents of September 6-7 were the act of the Special War Unit. It was a great operation and it achieved its aim.” Also it was disclosed that the Turkish government itself had plotted the bombing of the house in Salonica (Thessaloniki).
At the same time, all over Turkey there were demonstrations organised by the state behind the main slogan of “Partition or Death!” School students and university students were stirred up to participate in the demonstrations. And thus with a massive campaign Cyprus became a “national cause”.
At the same time, another campaign was started in Cyprus to decimate the left. In mid-December, AKEL and many left organizations were banned and all left publications were prohibited. Around 140 people were arrested and sent to the concentration camps and gaols. During the period of underground work, which lasted until December 1959, many left cadres were assassinated under the guidance of ringleader Grivas, one of the fascist leaders of the EOKA. In spite of this AKEL managed to maintain its underground struggle during this period.
Having started negotiations with Makarios for “autonomy” in early 1956, Britain had him arrested and sent into exile when he insisted on “the right of self-determination”.[1] However, in July of the same year there was more bad news for Britain in the region. The Nasser government of Egypt announced the nationalisation of the Suez Canal and the British military bases situated in Egypt were closed. In the meantime the struggle of the Greek Cypriots had intensified. Having lost its bases in Egypt, Britain was compelled to acknowledge “the right of self-determination” for fear of losing the whole of Cyprus, whose regional importance had been massively increased. But Britain added that its military bases on the island should remain.
In the same year, Turkey presented the idea of “partition” to the United Nations, which was originally the position of Britain. According to this idea the island was to be divided into Greek and Turkish parts and then these parts were to be joined to their own “fatherlands.” This was perfectly suited the “divide and rule” policy of British imperialism.
EOKA announced a cease-fire in early 1957 after Makarios’ release. On the other hand, during the same months NATO got involved in the question under the guise of “mediating” between Greece and Turkey. From then on, the process became more complicated and one plot followed another. On October 27, the former British imperial vice-attorney-general Rauf Denktas was appointed as chairman of the Federation of Turkish Cypriot Institutions. On November 29, an organisation called the Turkish Resistance Organisation (TMT) appeared with its first leaflets. A year later, EOKA revived its attacks. In reply the TMT declared war on the Greeks as well. However, the TMT did not target only Greeks but also some Turkish workers who were in favour of peace and independence of the island. After a joint mass demonstration by Greek and Turkish Cypriots, the TMT began murdering Turkish trade union members. In the same manner, left-wing Greek workers were murdered by the Greek chauvinists. In order to carry through the policies of imperialism, it was necessary to smash the will of the working class whose attitude in favour of fraternity, peace and independence was an obstacle.
As tension increased, Greece and Turkey, both members of NATO, came close to war. Following this, the new American backed formula of “independence” was introduced. With the signing of the Zurich-London Treaties of Guarantee and Alliance in 1959, Turkey, Greece and Britain became the guarantors of the Cypriot constitution.
Source:http://www.marksist.com/okur_mektubu/marxist_approach_to_the_problem_of_cyprus.htm
Writer:Zeynep Güneş
20 December 2001